7 An Inconvenient Truth1 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 80 2 Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 360 3 Rudolf’s kinship to Henry is probable but not absolutely certain. See Hlawitschka.4 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 92 5 Ibid., p. 81 6 Cited in Struve (1984), p. 424 7 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, p. 151 8 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 27 9 Ibid., p. 80.10 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 371 11 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 283 12 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 130 13 Ibid., p. 165 14 Literally “Loricatus”: a man armed with a breastplate.15 Peter Damian, Vita Dominici Loricati, col. 1024. This is the first known record of the phenomenon.16 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, p. 61 17 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 100 18 Rather of Verona, 2.3 19 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 203 20 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, pp. 276–7 21 Bishop Otto of Bamberg, writing at the start of the twelfth century: testimony to the enduring presumption that the world was about to end. Cited by Morris, p. 37 22 Adémar, 3.138 23 Odo of Cluny, col. 570 24 Revelation 14.5. The virgins are the same as the 144,000 harpists whom a scholar at Auxerre had independently identified with the monks of Cluny.25 Arnulf of Milan, 3.9 26 The question of whether an unworthy priest invalidated the miracle of the Mass was an ancient one, and orthodoxy – originally articulated, inevitably, by St. Augustine – argued that it did not. Peter Damian, in his public pronouncements, at any rate, went along with this. For a convincing argument that he may have had private doubts, however, see Elliott.27 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 2, p. 319 28 Arnulf of Milan, 3.15 29 Landulf Senior, 3.29 30 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 216 31 Gregory VII, Register, 1.85 32 From the only surviving letter written by Henry III to Abbot Hugh: PL 159, 932 33 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 120 34 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 220 35 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 3, p. 107 36 Jeremiah 1.10 37 Gregory VII, Register, 9.35 38 Ibid., 2.75 39 Ibid., 2.55a. From the so-called “Dictatus Papae,” “Dictation of the Pope.”40 Abbot Walo of Metz. Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 92 41 Gregory VII, Register, 1.49 42 Ibid., 2.37 43 Matthew of Edessa. Quoted by Vryonis, p. 81.44 Michael Psellus, p. 98 45 Specifically, it was a boast of Danishmend Ghazi, a celebrated warlord who in the wake of Manzikert hacked out a princedom in the north-east of what is now Turkey. See Vryonis, p. 195 46 Matthew of Edessa. Quoted by Vryonis, p. 170 47 Gregory VII,
Register, 1.22 48 Ibid., 1.23 49 Ibid., 2.31 50 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 1.9 51 Amatus of Monte Cassino, 2.8 52 Guiscard’s oath is reproduced in full in Loud, pp. 188–9 53 William of Apulia, p. 178 54 Ibid., p. 174 55 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 2.33. Even though Malaterra was writing after the First Crusade, and so may have been influenced by the ethos that surrounded it, historians generally accept that there was a strong religious dimension to how the Normans – and the papacy – viewed the conquest of Sicily. For a dissenting view, see Lopez.56 Gregory VII, Register, 1.49 57 Ibid., 2.31 58 In fact, a supernova.59 Vita Altmanni Episcopi Pataviensis, p. 230. The “vulgar opinion” was prompted by the fact that in 1065 the anniversaries of Christ’s conception, the Annunciation, and his death, Good Friday, coincided. The same thing happened in only one other year in the eleventh century: 1076, the same year that Gregory was hoping to arrive in Jerusalem.60 Gregory VII, Register, 2.31 61 Ibid., 1.77. The “Apostle” is St. Pauclass="underline" 1 Corinthians 4.3 62 Bruno of Merseburg, 16 63 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 156 64 Ibid., p. 150 65 Ibid., p. 174 66 Gregory VII, Register, 1.25 67 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 5 68 Ibid.69 From the fateful letter sent by the imperial bishops to Gregory from Worms: Quellen zur Geschichte Kaiser Heinrich IV, p. 474 70 Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 117 71 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 11 72 Arnulf of Milan, 4.7 73 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 14 74 Henry IV, 12. From a longer version of the letter originally sent to Gregory, and disseminated for propaganda purposes.75 Gregory VII, Register, 3.10a.76 Lampert, p. 257 77 Ibid., p. 53 78 Henry IV, 14 79 Lampert, p. 285 80 Bruno of Merseburg, 74 81 Gregory VII, Register, 8.3 82 Ibid., 6.17 83 Ibid., 1.62 84 Gregory would later claim that he had not restored Henry to the kingship at Canossa, but at the time he seems to have left the matter ambiguous. Henry himself certainly believed his deposition to have been reversed.85 Cited by Robinson (1999), p. 172 86 Paul of Bernried, 5 87 Gregory VII, Register, 8.10 88 Ibid., 2.13. From a letter to the King of Hungary.89 Ibid., 4.28 90 Ibid., 7.23 91 Ibid., 7.6 92 Ibid., 8.21 93 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 54 94 Ibid., 57. The letter was sent to Toirdhealbhach Ó Briain, “the illustrious king of Ireland.”95 Gregory VII, Register, 8.21 96 Ibid., 6.5b.97 Paul of Bernried, 107 98 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 255 99 Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 364 100 Bonizo of Sutri, pp. 248–9 101 Anna Comnena, p. 124 102 Ibid., p. 125 103 Ibid., p. 126 104 That Henry carefully withdrew from Rome before Hugh’s arrival suggests that it was he, rather than Gregory, who lay behind the abbot’s diplomatic mission. For a counter-view, see Cowdrey (1970), pp. 161–2 105 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 54 106 Gregory VII, Register, Appendix 3 107 Sigebert of Gembloux, An Apology against Those who Challenge the Masses of Married Priests. Quoted by Leyser (1965), p. 42 108 Gilo, 1.7 109 Beno, 2.2 110 With what truth it is impossible to say.111 Guibert de Nogent, A Monk’s Confession, 1.11.112 Miraculi Sancti Hugonis. Quoted by Iogna-Prat (2002), p. 217 113 From a Cluniac charter of the late eleventh century. Quoted by Cowdrey (1970), p. 130 114 Urban II, col. 486. The bull was issued in 1097 115 The evidence that Hugh sent such letters is circumstantial, but convincing. See Cutler (1963).116 Vita Sancti Anastasii, 5 117 Urban II, cols. 370–1 118 The agent’s words were recorded by the King of Granada himself: unsurprisingly they appear to have made quite an impression. They are quoted by O’Callaghan, p. 30 119 Urban II, col. 288 120 Hugh of Cluny, p. 147 121 Urban II, cols. 302–3 122 Ekkehard of Aura. Quoted by Riley-Smith, p. 33. Riley-Smith’s astronomical investigations have confirmed that the celestial phenomena reported by contemporaries were authentic.123 “Historia peregrinorum euntium Jerusolymam”: ibid.124 Fulcher of Chartres, p. 56. The allusion is specifically to the papacy but in the context applies no less forcefully to Jerusalem.125 See Delort, p. 64 126 Quoted by Cowdrey (History 55), p. 188 127 Gerbert of Aurillac, Letter 36 128 For this estimate, see Bull (1993), p. 4 129 Robert the Monk, p. 729 130 Ralph of Caen, p. 22 131 Gesta Francorum, p. 1 132 Matthew 24.30 133 The Latin word “crusata” did not come into use until the thirteenth century.134 Anna Comnena, pp. 308–9 135 For Alexius’s self-presentation as the last emperor, see Charanis and Shepard (1997).136 Albert of Aachen, 4.13 137 Estimates as to the precise numbers on the Crusade are inevitably hedged about by uncertainty. See Phillips, p. 6 138 Guibert de Nogent, The Deeds of God through the Franks, p. 225 139 Revelation 19.13–15.