Roosevelt explained the details of the parochial politics and how time was the best remedy.
After another hour, Roosevelt looked up and smiled, “That, gentlemen, looks like a decent plan.”
“Drinks all round please, Henry.”
Stimson obliged and then for Roosevelt the most interesting part of the day’s conversation started,
“Gentlemen, my government sees the Pacific as the future of the world, and it also sees Japan and the United States of America as the two countries, in partnership, to manage and develop it. In simple terms, we see it with we Japanese as the administrators and controllers, while the United States develops the region by implementing the President’s brilliant NIRA in Asia. We Japanese are very good at governing and organizing, but we do not have the raw materials and we frankly lack the financial skills to build nations. You have Mr. Ford and hundreds of like-minded leaders of industry.”
Stimson in particular listened to this explanation, and for the first time understood the concepts of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere: Japan Manages, America Sells. And this suited Stimson down to the ground.
Roosevelt—at Nomura’s urging—painted the developments as Japan’s contrite surrender, and as the Japanese desire to make amends. The use of the word “surrender” knocked the wind of out the sails of Roosevelt’s critics. And the photographs of the glum faces of Tojo and Yamamoto in the dark, dank cells of the Geneva police department made for exceptionally good press coverage in the United States. And so it should have—it had taken over an hour of careful lighting at Tokyo’s biggest movie lot and even more careful makeup to create these illusions. For both men, it was their first experience with actor’s makeup and both detested it, but for the greater good of the country and for the Emperor, well, this was a small price to pay.
As with most political theater, like politics in general, the effect was powerful but very short-lived. By some quite legal maneuvers, the Japanese defendants were permitted to be replaced by proxies. The drafting of the court’s basic documents extended well beyond the three months originally allocated. The Swiss judge fell ill and was incapacitated for four months with a mysterious rash. The Japanese judge’s father died and he had to return to Japan. And then the American judge decided to take early retirement.
Initially, the world press, and particularly the American press, took a rabid interest in the proceeding, but as the months dragged on, the observation that delay is the finest form of denial took hold. And even for the American press, the endless delays were no longer news—there was fresh news with the President extolling almost daily the benefits the country would gain with his new pan-Asian NIRA. And Roosevelt revved up the country with his vision for the new Asia, freed from the tyranny of colonialism. He even had mockups of his fleet of PANIRA airships created with Old Glory on one side and the Rising Sun on the other. Next to Roosevelt, it was his faithful Rex Tugwell who was most energized.
And as Roosevelt told Joe Alsop one evening after far too many martinis,
“And, Joe, no fucking Supreme Court to push us back to the horse and buggy era, so you may have to revise your 168 Days. Mark my words, in Asia I have a completely free hand thanks to Nomura and the Japanese. And remember the Japanese had us completely by the balls—they were the pros and we were like high school players with leaky water buckets. Keep this to yourself, but the Japanese were far more generous than we would have been if we had such total mastery. I guess it must be the four thousand years of civilization that makes them so polite and civilized. And the Japanese are polite even when they are in complete control. You can imagine how boorish we Americans would be if we had such power. And compared to that drunk in London, the contrast is night and day; Churchill does not speak, he pontificates as if his words are direct from God. What a bore.”
33: Halifax’s New Job
ON THE WET THURSDAY AFTERNOON, immediately after lunch and a very large postprandial martini, Roosevelt took particular delight at breaking the news of the armistice with the Japanese to the British Prime Minister. At one stage in the proceedings, Churchill bellowed at the American President words to the effect that “Ambassador Halifax will take a very dim view on that point,” to which Roosevelt suavely replied,
“I am not so sure about that Winston, but you can ask him yourself as he is sitting in front of me now.”
That sentence told Churchill that his reign of drunken diatribes and ill-considered strategies (dating back to 1915) was over—the President had consulted with Churchill’s old rival before speaking to him. Even more important, Roosevelt had not even deigned it necessary to tell Churchill that Halifax was present in the Oval Office. Well, that had torn it.
“And with the recent understanding in Geneva and the cessation of hostilities between the Soviets and the Germans, well there is no need for us to provide any more war matériel or gold or credit. Actually, Winston, it makes no sense at all. You know in time you will come to an understanding with the Germans.”
Roosevelt looked at Halifax who in return slowly nodded.
After the call, Roosevelt said to the British ambassador,
“The Germans are extremely eager for an understanding with your country. I know I could broker that in a day. I take it that Churchill is the only roadblock?”
“Mr. President, you are correct. As you know I was considering the job myself, but I think the country needs more of a figurehead who is well liked. We could consider David Windsor.”
“Do you really think that would work? I don’t know much of the machinations of Westminster but the former King seems very unlikely to a Yank like me as PM: isn’t that extremely far-fetched?”
Roosevelt’s natural political instincts showed a very deep, visceral understanding of politics, regardless of the country. And Roosevelt realized with the impracticality of the suggestion that Halifax was weak and a man easily dominated.
Lord Halifax reluctantly agreed.
“But what if you take the PM job and David takes your job? Wouldn’t that work?”
Halifax said nothing.
“What is Windsor’s mood at the moment? And what about this wife, Wallis, right?”
Halifax ever so slightly winced at the mode of address; yes, David Windsor was a disgraced regent, but he still was a former King of England.
“I believe he is in good spirits, Mr. President.”
“So, Eddie, you take the PM job and send David here.”
Being referred to as “Eddie,” even by a personage as high as the President of the United States, did make Halifax’s blood boil.
Misreading Halifax’s response, Roosevelt added,
“What, don’t you want it?”
Halifax opened his mouth to reply, but was cut off by the American,
“So how do we actually do this—I mean I know how to do it here, but what are the mechanics in London?”
The effects of the double Scotch Halifax had poured himself when he served the President were finally taking effect, and the inadvertent crudeness of the President seemed somehow to be less grating. Halifax pondered.
“Well, Franklin, we would need a vote of no confidence. In times like this, that is easy to arrange. Um, a few choice snippets to Geoffrey to get into the Times.”
“Geoffrey?”
“Geoffrey Dawson, a pal of mine and just retired as editor of the Times, but he is still the force behind the paper.”