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Originally a restricted document, the report was published in its entirety as "The Arts in Russia Under Stalin," in The Soviet Mind: Russian Culture Under Communism, ed. Henry Hardy (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2004).

"Russia and 1848" highlights Herzen's central role in the development of the Russian intelligentsia as a counterforce to the oppressive regime of Nicholas I. Berlin traces the emergence of a distinct Russian "native social and political outlook" against the backdrop of "the gigantic strait-jacket of bureaucratic and military control." It is this for­mation of a flank of moral opposition, spearheaded by Herzen, that Berlin identifies as a heroic Russian liberal voice in the face of repressive measures. See Isaiah Berlin, "Russia and 1848," Slavonic Review (Slavonic and East European Review) 26 (1948): 341, 359.

Berlin considered Marx to be the most influential of all nineteenth-century think­ers, though he took issue with several of his basic positions and tenets, such as his negative regard for nationalism. A decade after completion of his study on Marx, Berlin can be seen as offering the alternative refrain of Herzen, a socialist of strong national convictions: "In the 1950s Berlin went on to reveal to English and American readers the riches of nineteenth-century Russian populism and liberalism as represented by Herzen . . . and to argue something we need to remember today more than ever, that nationalism can be and has been an ally of liberalism." Alan Ryan, introduction to Isa­iah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment (1939), 4th rev. ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), xvi.

See Isaiah Berlin, "The First and the Last: My Intellectual Path," New York Review of Books, May 14, 1998, pp. 10-11.

Berlin's activities stretched far beyond the halls of academia. Regarding Berlin's direct influence on Tom Stoppard's "Coast of Utopia" trilogy, see "The Coast of Utopia," Lincoln Center Theater Review 43 (2006). One critic writes that English Herzenism, led by the Berlin school, projects Herzen as "a post-war liberal in nineteenth-century cloth­ing." Thomas Harlan Campbell, "Restaging the Gercen 'Family Drama': Tom Stop­pard's Shipwreck and the Discourse of English 'Herzenism,' " Russian Literature 61, no. 1-2 (January 1-February 15, 2007): 207-43.

"To the analytical antinomies he addressed, Berlin affixed the dyad of East and West as he sought in the exertions of 19th century Russian writers a counterweight to the exaggerated pursuit of perfection emblematic of the Enlightenment. . . . Turgenev, Tolstoy, and Herzen, Berlin believed, were expositors of an alternative, corrective, vi­sion, sources for redress and repair for what ails the West's record of ideas. Herzen was his favorite. Berlin appreciated Herzen because he declined to pursue a singular coherent doctrine, and for his open temperament." Ira Katznelson, "Isaiah Berlin's Mo­dernity," Social Research 66, no. 4 (1999): 1087-88.

In the mid-1950s, having witnessed the fruits of Stalinism, Nazism, and the esca­lating Cold War, Berlin writes: "On the whole, it is Herzen's totalitarian opponents both of the Right and of the Left that have won." Isaiah Berlin, introduction to Herzen, From the Other Shore, trans. Budberg, xx.

" ' Lampert sees Herzen as Lampert writ large,' I remember Berlin telling me, when I was embarking on a doctorate on Herzen. Carr's retort, when I recounted this to him, was that 'Berlin sees Berlin as Herzen writ large.' " Edward Acton, "Eugene Lampert: Distinguished Scholar of Russian History" (obituary), Guardian, September 10, 2004, p. 29. In a letter of August 1938, Berlin writes: "Oh dear, Herzen. There is no writer, indeed no man I shd like to be like, to write like, more" [sic]. Flourishing: Letters, 1928-1946, ed. Henry Hardy (London: Pimlico, 2005), 279.

Offord comments that Berlin "established a hagiographic tradition" and that this, in part, accounts for the lack of critical examination of Herzen by later scholars. Derek Offord, "Alexander Herzen and James de Rothschild," Toronto Slavic Quarterly 19 (Win­ter 2007): 1.

Franco Venturi, Roots of Revolution (1952; London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, i960).

See Marc Raeff, "The Peasant Commune in the Political Thinking of Russian Publicists: Laissez-Faire Liberalism in the Reign of Alexander II" (Ph.D. thesis, Har­vard University, 1950). Also in this vein, in 1951 V. Pirozhkova completed a dissertation that considered the "collapse" of Herzen's utopian vision. Her dissertation was later published as Vera Piroschkow [Vera Aleksandrovna Pirozhkova], Alexander Herzen: Der Zusammenbruch einer Utopie (Munich: A. Pustet, 1961).

Martin Malia, Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism: 1812-1855 (Cam­bridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1961), 393.

Malia conceives of Herzen as a figure influenced to a great degree by the ideational and aesthetic constructs he formed in Russia. "The liberal institutions of England . . . so utterly failed to impress him." Martin E. Malia, "Schiller and the Early Russian Left," in Russian Thought and Politics, vol. 4, ed. H. McLean, M. Malia, and G. Fischer (Cam­bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1957), 197.

This omission was noted in Hare's review: "A study of Herzen's contribution to Russian socialism should surely take into account the most mature and influential pe­riod of his life, when after the death of Nicholas I (1855), he fascinated the new Emperor and a large Russian reading public through the pages of his London-published journal The Bell." Richard Hare, review of Alexander Herzen and the Birth of Russian Socialism, 1812-1855, by Martin Malia, Russian Review 21, no. 2 (April 1962): 191-92.

Aileen M. Kelly, "Herzen and Proudhon: Two Radical Ironists," in Views from the Other Shore (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 84.

Monica Partridge, Alexander Herzen: 1812-1870 (Paris: Unesco, 1984), 83.

See Monica Partridge, "Alexander Herzen and the English Press," Slavonic and East European Review 36, no. 87 (June i958): 453; and Monica Partridge, "Alexander Herzen and England," in Alexander Herzen: Collected Studies, 2nd ed. (Nottingham: Astra, i993), ii5.

Edward Acton, Alexander Herzen and the Role of the Intellectual Revolutionary (Cam­bridge, Eng.: Cambridge University Press, i979), ix.

Acton argues that Herzen's "private ordeal" "did more than predispose him emo­tionally" in his thought and attitude. The "personal catastrophe" "touched him at the deepest level" and impacted "his basic approach to historical development." Acton, Al­exander Herzen, i05-8.

Judith E. Zimmerman, Midpassage: Alexander Herzen and European Revolution, 1847-1852 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, ^89), xv.

Ibid., xii-xiii.

In earlier research, Zimmerman writes of Herzen: "I discovered that personal relations were far more important in determining political position than was pure ideol­ogy." Judith E. Zimmerman, "Herzen, Herwegh, Marx," in Imperial Russia 1700-1917: State, Society, Opposition; Essays in Honor of Marc Raeff, ed. E. Mendelsohn and M. Shatz (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, i988), 298.

Zimmerman, Midpassage, xii, xv, 222, 225.

See Abbott Gleason, Young Russia: The Genesis of Russian Radicalism in the 1860s (New York: Viking, i980), 84. Citations are pulled almost entirely from secondary sources. For example, the references to The Bell are all sourced from Bazileva's i949 monograph, and there are no citations in the chapter directly from Herzen's works.