“Is there any word of the French?” A British officer spoke up.
Briggs hesitated for a moment. “I have been advised that the French have shown no interest in the conflict between us and the Italians at this time. In the absence of any further information, I believe we will have to continue planning our operations based on that perception. I would add that the Italians did attack the French back in June, although they did not achieve very much. The French may resent the fact that we left them in the lurch, as it were, but they actually fought the Italians.”
There was a deep silence around the room. The British officers remembered how France had fought on after the Halifax had accepted the German Armistice offer. The French fight might have been hopeless, but it had been gallant. France had gone down with its colors still flying bravely. The contrast with Britain’s actions had echoed around the world. Looking at the meeting, Briggs began to realize how deep the wound in British pride and self-confidence had been.
“The greatest curse of any nation is illiteracy. No matter how free somebody may be in theory, if that person is illiterate, then they are imprisoned by their minds. A prisoner held by steel bars and iron shackles may escape his bonds, but one imprisoned by an illiterate mind can never escape its curse. That is why we must educate our children; so that freedom will be their heritage.” Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram leaned forward in his chair, his eyes flashing. “The teacher is in the vanguard of progress and the school is where the future is born.”
Cordell Hull blinked at the unexpected lecture. This wasn’t going at all the way he had expected. “And where does military rule fit into all this?”
Marshal Plaek folded his fingers together as he thought the question over. “In the long term, it does not. In the short and medium term, I believe our task is to prepare the country for truly democratic rule under the leadership of a constitutional monarchy. Once again, we come back to the problem of literacy. People who are illiterate, who cannot investigate matters and form their own opinions, are easily led. To be frank with you, Mister Secretary, my greatest fear is of some smooth-tongued scoundrel who will use wealth and charisma to dominate large numbers of illiterate peasants and bring them to our capital in order to wreak havoc. While illiteracy remains rampant in our country, then that is a danger we must guard against. That is why our constitution stipulates that the transition to full democratic representation in the Assembly should only be achieved at the end of ten years or when more than half of the populace has gone through primary education, whichever is achieved first.
“I am proud to say that we have met this target and when the new elections take place in 1942, more than half the population will indeed have gone through primary education. Many of them are not youngsters; but older members of the community who have sacrificed what little leisure time they have to go back to school and become literate. When they make such sacrifices, we cannot let them down.”
“The American concept of democratic government does not include the concept of qualifying people for the vote. We have had such measures in the past, and they were used to oppress and disenfranchise the voters.”
“Our constitution was actually written by an American jurist, Raymond Bartlett Stevens. It does not qualify people for a vote individually, but merely states that the present arrangement of our parliament, wherein half the members are elected and half appointed, shall be replaced by a parliament wherein all the members are elected once the primary education target is met. Which it was, well before the 1942 deadline.”
Marshal Plaek’s quiet, very precise English had the desired impact. Very reluctantly, Cordell Hull had to concede the point made. Nevertheless, his primary concern remained unaddressed.
“And what, may I ask, are your future intentions with regard to your neighbors?”
“Once again, I will be frank with you, Mister Secretary. Personally, I like Japanese weapons. They are inexpensive for us to buy, simple, easy to maintain and effective. My colleagues in the government disagree and the government has discussed the issue with the loyal opposition, led by Luang Pridi Phanomyong. After listening to the case made by the opposition, I agreed with their position that the political costs represented by any links with Imperial Japan were too high to countenance. However, the need for armaments still remains paramount, given the world situation. The North American P-64s we bought and the license we had been granted to build more would have resolved our problems but…” Plaek sighed softly and noted the guilty bob of the head from Cordell Hull.
“Weapons are tools, not intentions; Field Marshal. I asked after the latter.”
“But the availability of appropriate tools determines the range of intentions, does it not? If one has only a hammer, one cannot build a house using screws. The intentions of Thailand, Mister Secretary, are simple. We intend to preserve our independence and our way of life, while also modernizing our country to become part of the modern, democratic world. For this, we require strong defenses and secure borders. The greatest threat to those is Imperial Japan. We must either be strong enough to oppose Imperial Japan or friendly enough with them for them not to be a threat to us. We prefer the former.
“Part of maintaining strong defenses is the ability to recognize threats
before they become critical. Every day, the Japanese position in French Indo-China becomes stronger. The French authorities in Indo-China are staunch
supporters of the Vichy government and are so indirect allies of Japan. Our border with French Indo-China was forced on us by the treaties of 1893 and 1908 and was deliberately designed to be indefensible. It concerns us here in the government that soon Japan will be on the other side of that border. If Japan attempts the same absorption process that is being conducted in Indochina, it will leave Malaya, Singapore and Burma gravely exposed. Ultimately, India itself will be at risk. As responsible members of the international community, this causes us much concern. We would make some minor changes to the border to improve our defensive positions and negotiate cross-border trade agreements to benefit the lives of the people living along that border, but the French authorities refuse to negotiate with us.”
Cordell Hull shook his head. As a long-term diplomat, a refusal to negotiate was one of the worst cardinal sins he could imagine. It had been the way he, himself, had nearly committed the same sin that had shocked him into undertaking this mission. In his mind, the only worse sin that refusing to negotiate was to negotiate in bad faith. Determining whether the people he had met since his arrival were speaking in good faith was his next priority.
“If Thailand will accept my services as an intermediary, I will go to Hanoi and attempt to organize a meeting where trade and security issues may be discussed. In the meantime, I would like to visit some of the towns and villages here.”
“We will be most grateful for your aid, Mister Secretary. Let us know where you wish to go and we will arrange transport for you.”
The meeting ended much more cordially than it had started. Cordell Hull returned to the Oriental Hotel while Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram read reports on the progress of the communications work that was finally in hand. Even so, he heard the quiet steps as the Ambassador entered his office. Unannounced, of course.
“I trust you did not tell him that the minor border adjustments we have in mind will take us all the way to the Mekong?” Her voice was droll.
“Of course not, Highness. It will be a nice surprise for him.”