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[8] Or, "than the seductions in question."

VI

Nor, in my opinion, were those obscure proofs of courage and true manliness which he furnished by his readiness ever to wage war against the strongest enemies, whether of Sparta or of Hellas, placing himself in the forefront of the contests decided on. If the enemy cared to join issue in fair field he would not chance upon a victory won by panic, but in stubborn battle, blow for blow, he mastered him; and set up trophies worthy of the name, seeing that he left behind him imperishable monuments of prowess, and bore away on his own body indelible marks of the fury with which he fought;[1] so that, apart from hearsay, by the evidence of men's eyes his valour stood approved.

[1] Or, "visible signs of the spirit," etc. See Plut. "Ages." xxxvi.

And amongst these we must not deem them trophies alone which he actually set up, but reckon the many campaigns which he undertook, since they were victories truly, even when the enemy refused to encounter him, victories devoid of danger, yet fraught with even more solid advantage to the state of Sparta and her fellow-combatants; just as in our games we crown as victor him who walks over the field[2] no less than him who conquers by dint of battle.

[2] Or, "without striking a blow." Lit. "without the dust of the arena, 'sine pulvere.'" See Thuc. iv. 73, {akoniti}.

And to speak next of his wisdom,[3] I suppose there is not one of all his doings but must illustrate it;--this man whose bearing towards his fatherland was such that by dint of implicit obedience [he grew to so greate a height of power],[4] whose zeal in the service of his comrades won for him the unhesitating attachment of his friends, who infused into the hearts of his soldiers a spirit, not of discipline only, but of self-devotion to their chief. And yet surely that is the strongest of all battle-lines[5] in which obedience creates tactical efficieny, and alacrity in the field springs out of loyal affection for the general.

[3] Or, "his sagacity."

[4] The words {pleiston iskhue} are supplied from Plutarch ("Ages." iv.), who quotes the passage, "What Xenophon tells us of him, that by complying with, and, as it were, ruled by his country, he grew into such great power with them, that he could do what he pleased, is meant," etc. (Clough, iv. p. 4). The lacuna in the MS. was first noted, I believe, by Weiske. See Breitenbach's note ad loc.

[5] See "Cyrop." VII. i. 30; "Econ." xxi. 7.

Enemies he had to cope with, who had little excuse to disparage, however much they might be compelled to hate their opponent, seeing that he was for ever contriving to give his allies some advantage over them--by sheer deception, if occasion offered; now anticipating them if speed were requisite; now skulking in corners if concealment served; in all points observing one rule of behaviour to his friends and another towards his foes. By turning night into day and day into night[6] he drew so close a veil of mystery over his movements that frequently there was no saying where he was, or whither he would go, or what he might do next. The fastnesses of the enemy he transformed into so many weaknesses,[7] passing this one by, and scaling that, and stealing like a thief into a third.

[6] See "Hell." VI. i. 15; "Pol. Lac." v. 7; "Cyrop." I. v. 12.

[7] Or, "the strongholds of the enemy might to all intents and purposes have been open places."

When he was on the march, and was well aware that an enemy might, if he chose, deliver battle, his habit was to lead his troops in compact battle order ready to confront emergencies, with soft, slow step, advancing, as it were, with maidenly demureness,[8] for in such procedure, as he believed, lay the secret of true calm, engendering a dauntless self-assurance, imperturbable, unerring, impervious to treacherous assault. Therefore by such behaviour he was a terror to the enemy, whilst he infused courage and strength in the hearts of his friends, so that throughout his life he continued to be a man whom his foes dared not despise, whom his fellow-citizens cared not to arraign, within the circle of his friends held blameless, the idol and admiration of the outer world.[9]

[8] See above, ii. 3; "Pol. Lac." iii. 5.

[9] Cf. Tacitus's phrase concerning Titus, "deliciae humani generis."

VII

To describe his patriotism[1] point by point in detail were a tedious story, since, as I suppose, there is not one of his several achievements but must finally resolve itself into that. For, to put it briefly, we all know well that where Agesilaus expected in any way to benefit his country there was no toil he shrank from, no danger he avoided, no money he stinted, no excuse whether of age or body he admitted, but deemed it ever the true function of a good king[2] to shower blessings to the utmost on the subjects of his rule.

[1] Lit. "love for his own city."

[2] Or, "regarded it as the cardinal virtue of a real prince." See "Mem." III. ii. 3.

And for my part I hold it as chief among the magnificent benefits so conferred by him upon his country that, being the most powerful member of the state, he made no secret of his absolute submission to the laws,[3] since what lesser man, seeing the king's obedience, would take[4] on himself to disobey? Who, in discontentment at his own poor lot, would venture on revolution, knowing that the king himself could condescend to constitutional control? And that, too, a king who bore himself towards political opponents with a paternal mildness.[5] If he rebuked them sharply for their misdemeanours, he none the less honoured their high endeavours, and proved himself a present help to them in time of trouble.[6] No citizen could be his personal foe; of that he was assured. His desire was to commend them one and all alike, counting the common salvation of all a gain, and reckoning it as a loss if even a mean man perished. For thus he reasoned, nor made a secret of the conclusion he had come to: so long as her citizens continued tranquilly adherent to the laws the happiness of Sparta was secure.[7] And for the rest Sparta would once again be strong on that day when the states of Hellas should learn wisdom.

[3] Or, "he was at the same time the most obvious in his allegiance to the laws."

[4] Lit. "would have taken on himself . . . would have ventured on revolution."

[5] Lit. "as a father to his children."

[6] Or, "and was ready to stand by their side in time of trouble."

[7] Or, "For this was the clear tenor of his thought, that by tranquil continuance within the laws the citizens of Sparta might secure her happiness. And as to power, Sparta, etc." See "Mem." II. vi. 27.

And if, by admission, it is noble for every Hellene to be a lover of his fellow-Hellenes, yet we must fare far afield to find another instance of a general who, expecting to sack some city, would have refused to seize the prize; or who regarded victory in a war waged against fellow-Hellenes as a species of calamity. Yet this man when a message was brought him concerning the battle at Corinth,[8] in which but eight Lacedaemonians had fallen, but of their opponents ten thousand nearly, showed no sign of exultation, but sighed, saying, "Alas for Hellas! since those who now lie in their graves, were able, had they lived, to conquer the hosts of Asia."[9] Again, when some Corinthian exiles informed him that their city was ripe for surrender, and showed him the engines by which they were confident they would take the walls, he refused to make the assault, saying that Hellene cities ought not to be reduced to slavery, but brought back to a better mind,[10] and added, "For if we lop off our offending members, haply we may deprive ourselves of the means to master the barbarians."