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bankers of Canada, and of London and New York bankers on Canadian matters. The

Round Table says of him: "Through his friendship with Lord Milner and others he had at

one time a wide acquaintance among the prominent figures in British public life, and it is

well-known to his intimates that on numerous occasions British ministers, anxious to

secure reliable information about certain Canadian affairs through unofficial channels,

had recourse of Glazebrook.... By precept and example he exercised an immense

influence for good upon the characters and outlook of a number of young Canadians who

had the privilege of his society and knew him as 'The Sage.' Some of them, who have

come to high place in the life of the Dominion, will not be slow to acknowledge the value

of the inspiration and enlightenment which they derived from him. Continually he

preached the doctrine to his young friends that it was their duty, if fortune had placed

them in comfortable circumstances, to give some of their time to the intelligent study of

public affairs and to the service of the community, and he awakened in not a few minds

for the first time the idea that there were better goals in life than the making of money. It

is true that the Round Table Groups which he organized with such enthusiasm have now

faded into oblivion, but many of their members did not lose the zest for an intelligent

study of politics which Glazebrook had implanted in them, and after the last war they

proved keen supporters of the Canadian Institute of International Affairs as an agency for

continuing the political education which Glazebrook had begun."

5. That Curtis consulted with Lord Chelmsford on the planned reforms before Lord

Chelmsford went to India in 1916 was revealed in the House of Lords by Lord Crewe on

12 December 1919, and by Curtis in his book Dyarchy (Oxford, 1920), xxvii.

6. Dyarchy (Oxford, 1920), 74.

7. See R. H. Brand, ed., Letters of John Dove (London, 1938), 115-116.

8. See R. H. Brand, ed., Letters of John Dove (London, 1938), 326, 340.

9. Some of Milner's Canadian speeches in 1908 and in 1912 will be found in The

Nation and the Empire (Boston, 1913). Kerr's speech at Toronto on 30 July 1912 was

published by Glazebrook in June 1917 as an aid to the war effort. It bore on the cover the

inscription "The Round Table in Canada." Curtis's speech, so far as I can determine, is

unpublished.

10. See R. L. Schuyler, "The Rise of Anti-Imperialism in England," in The Political

Science Quarterly (September 1928 and December 1921); O. D. Skelton, Life and Times

of Sir Alexander Tilloch Galt (Toronto, 1920),440; and C. A. Bodelson, Studies in Mid-

Victorian Imperialism (Copenhagen, 1924), 104.

11. All of these papers will be found in The Proceedings of the Royal Colonial

Institute, VI, 36-85; XII, 346-391; and XI, 90-132.

12. The ideas expressed by Lionel Curtis were really Milner's ideas. This was publicly

admitted by Milner in a speech before a conference of British and Dominion

parliamentarians called together by the Empire Parliamentary Association, 28 July 1916.

At this meeting "Milner expressed complete agreement with the general argument of Mr.

Curtis, making lengthy quotations from his book, and also accepted the main lines of his

plan for Imperial Federation. The resulting discussion showed that not a single Dominion

Member present agreed either with Mr. Curtis or Lord Milner." H. D. Hall, The British

Commonwealth of Nations (London, 1920), 166. The whole argument of Curtis's book

was expressed briefly by Milner in 1913 in the Introduction to The Nation and the

Empire.

13. Milner's two letters were in Cecil Headlam, ed., The Milner Papers (2 vols.,

London, 1931-1933), I, 159-160 and 267; On Edward Wood's role, see A. C. Johnson,

Viscount Halifax (New York, 1941), 88-95. The project for devolution on a geographic

basis for political matters and on a functional basis for economic matters was advocated

by The Round Table in an article entitled "Some problems in democracy and

reconstruction' in the issue of September 1917. The former type was accepted by Curtis

as a method for solving the Irish problem and as a method which might well have been

used in solving the Scottish problem in 1707. He wrote: "The continued existence in

Edinburgh and London of provincial executives and legislatures, entrusted respectively

with interests which were strictly Scottish and strictly English, was not incompatible with

the policy of merging Scots and Englishmen in a common state. The possibility of

distinguishing local from general interests had not as yet been realized." Again, he wrote:

"If ever it should prove expedient to unburden the Parliament of the United Kingdom by

delegating to the inhabitants of England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales the management of

their own provincial affairs and the condition of Ireland should prove no bar to such a

measure, the Irish problem will once for all have been closed"— The Commonwealth of

Nations (London, 1916), 295,518.

14. R. H. Brand, ed., Letters of John Dove (London, 1938), 321.)

15. "The Financial and Economic Future" in The Round Table (December 1918), IX,

114-134. The quotation is from pages 121-123.

16. The Commonwealth of Nations (London, 1916), 8. This emphasis on duty to the

community is to be found throughout the Milner Group. See, for example, Lord Grey's

violent retort to a Canadian (who tried to belittle A. J. Glazebrook because he made no

real effort to accumulate wealth) in The Round Table obituary of Glazebrook (March

1941 issue). The same idea was advocated by Hichens and Milner to settle the problems

of management and labor within the industrial system. In a speech at Swanwick in 1919,

the former said: "The industrial problem is primarily a moral one.... If we have rights, we

also have duties.... In the industrial world our duty clearly is to regard our work as the

Service which we render to the rest of the community, and it is obvious that we should

give, not grudgingly or of necessity but in full measure" (The Round Table, December

1940, XXXI, 11). Milner's views are in Questions of the Hour (London, 1923).

17. In the August 1911 issue of The Round Table the future Lord Lothian wrote:

"There are at present two codes of international morality—the British or Anglo-Saxon

and the continental or German. Both cannot prevail. If the British Empire is not strong

enough to be a real influence for fair dealing between nations, the reactionary standards

of the German bureaucracy will triumph, and it will then only be a question of time

before the British Empire itself is victimized by an international 'hold-up' on the lines of

the Agadir incident. Unless the British peoples are strong enough to make it impossible

for backward rivals to attack them with any prospect of success, they will have to accept

the political standards of the aggressive military powers" ( The Round Table, August