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maintained ever since, and has been defended by the journal itself in advertisements, on

the grounds that anonymity gives the contributors greater independence and freedom. The

real reasons, however, were much more practical than this and included the fact that the

writers were virtually unknown and were so few in numbers, at first at least, as to make

the project appear ridiculous had the articles been signed. For example, Philip Kerr,

during his editorship, always wrote the leading article in every issue. In later years the

anonymity was necessary because of the political prominence of some of the

contributors. In general, the policy of the journal has been such that it has continued to

conceal the identity of its writers until their deaths. Even then, they have never been

connected with any specific article, except in the case of one article (the first one in the

first issue) by Lord Lothian. This article was reprinted in The Round Table after the

author's death in 1940.

The Round Table was essentially the propaganda vehicle of a handful of people and

could not have carried signed articles either originally, when they were too few, or later,

when they were too famous. It was never intended to be either a popular magazine or

self-supporting, but rather was aimed at influencing those in a position to influence public

opinion. As Curtis wrote in 1920, "A large quarterly like The Round Table is not

intended so much for the average reader, as for those who write for the average reader. It

is meant to be a storehouse of information of all kinds upon which publicists can draw.

Its articles must be taken on their merits and as representing nothing beyond the minds

and information of the individual writer of each."(6)

It is perhaps worth mentioning that the first article of the first issue, called "Anglo-

German Rivalry," was very anti-German and forms an interesting bit of evidence when

taken in connection with Curtis's statement that the problem of the Empire was raised in

1909 by the problem of what role South Africa would play in a future war with Germany.

The Group, in the period before 1914, were clearly anti-German. This must be

emphasized because of the mistaken idea which circulated after 1930 that the Cliveden

group, especially men like Lord Lothian, were pro-German. They were neither anti-

German in 1910 nor pro-German in 1938, but pro-Empire all the time, changing there

their attitudes on other problems as these problems affected the Empire. And it should be

realized that their love for the Empire was not mere jingoism or flag-waving (things at

which Kerr mocked within the Group) (7) but was based on the sincere belief that

freedom, civilization, and human decency could best be advanced through the

instrumentality of the British Empire.

In view of the specific and practical purpose of The Round Table—to federate the

Empire in order to ensure that the Dominions would join with the United Kingdom in a

future war with Germany—the paper could not help being a propagandist organ,

propagandist on a high level, it is true, but nonetheless a journal of opinion rather than a

journal of information. Every general article in the paper (excluding the reports from

representatives in the Dominions) was really an editorial—an unsigned editorial speaking

for the group as a whole. By the 1920s these articles were declaring, in true editorial

style, that " The Round Table does not approve of" something or other, or, "It seems to

The Round Table that" something else.

Later the members of the Group denied that the Group were concerned with the

propagation of any single point of view. Instead, they insisted that the purpose of the

Group was to bring together persons of various points of view for purposes of self-

education. This is not quite accurate. The Group did not contain persons of various points

of view but rather persons of unusual unanimity of opinion, especially in regard to goals.

There was a somewhat greater divergence in regard to methods, and the circulating of

memoranda within the Group to evoke various comments was for the purpose of reaching

some agreement on methods only—the goals being already given. In this, meetings of the

Group were rather like the meetings of the British Cabinet, although any normal Cabinet

would contain a greater variety of opinion than did the usual meetings of the Group. In

general, an expression of opinion by any one member of the Group sounded like an echo

of any of the others. Their systems of values were identical; the position of the British

Commonwealth at the apex of that system was almost axiomatic; the important role

played by moral and ideological influences in the Commonwealth and in the value

system was accepted by all; the necessity of strengthening the bonds of the

Commonwealth in view of the approaching crisis of the civilization of the West was

accepted by all, so also was the need for closer union with the United States. There was

considerable divergence of opinion regarding the practicality of imperial federation in the

immediate future; there was some divergence of ideas regarding the rate at which self-

government should be extended to the various parts of the Empire (especially India).

There was a slight difference of emphasis on the importance of relations between the

Commonwealth and the United States. But none of these differences of opinion was

fundamental or important. The most basic divergence within the Group during the first

twenty years or so was to be found in the field of economic ideas—a field in which the

Group as a whole was extremely weak, and also extremely conservative. This divergence

existed, however, solely because of the extremely unorthodox character of Lord Milner's

ideas. Milner's ideas (as expressed, for example, in his book Questions of the Hour,

published in 1923) would have been progressive, even unorthodox, in 1935. They were

naturally ahead of the times in 1923, and they were certainly far ahead of the ideas of the

Group as a whole, for its economic ideas would have been old-fashioned in 1905. These

ideas of the Group (until 1931, at least) were those of late-nineteenth-century

international banking and financial capitalism. The key to all economics and prosperity

was considered to rest in banking and finance. With "sound money," a balanced budget,

and the international gold standard, it was expected that prosperity and rising standards of

living would follow automatically. These ideas were propagated through The Round

Table, in the period after 1912, in a series of articles written by Brand and

subsequently republished under his name, with the title War and National Finance

(1921). They are directly antithetical to the ideas of Milner as revealed in his book

published two years later. Milner insisted that financial questions must be subordinated to

economic questions and economic questions to political questions. As a result, if a

deflationary policy, initiated for financial reasons, has deleterious economic or political

effects, it must be abandoned. Milner regarded the financial policy advocated by Brand in

1919 and followed by the British government for the next twelve years as a disaster, since

it led to unemployment, depression, and ruination of the export trade. instead, Milner

wanted to isolate the British economy from the world economy by tariffs and other