Patterson nodded agreement. “I remember that he didn’t even want to meet with you.”
“And when we met, it was completely formal, lots of people in the room, and he wouldn’t even look me in the eye. The idea of those meetings was to establish some sort of personal relationship between two national leaders. He didn’t want that.”
“That leaves us with only military options, Mr. President.” Hyland did not sound happy.
“I’ve reviewed them again, with General Schiller and some others,” Richfield reported. “They all increase our readiness in some way, either by moving more conventional forces to Europe or trying to speed up our response in case of a nuclear attack. We can’t put enough troops in Europe to stop the Russians if they want to come in. The greatest defense NATO had against a Russian invasion was the risk that it would quickly escalate into a general nuclear exchange. If that’s gone — if Fedorin is willing to accept the risk—”
“Maybe even wants that risk,” Hardy added.
“—then we’d need a larger standing military,” Richfield said. “This would require legislative action, if we want to radically change the number of people in uniform. And even then, it will take time to build and prepare the new brigades, ships, and squadrons.”
“And this doesn’t change the fact that we cannot block a Russian sneak attack should Fedorin give the order,” Hardy concluded.
“Mr. President,” pleaded Bill Hyland, “if none of these options are effective, what should we do?”
“Actually, I like the economic sanctions a lot,” Hardy announced brightly. He turned to Lloyd. “Have your people put together a plan for implementing these as soon as possible. We may have some NATO members join us, and some may balk, but tie them to things the Russians have already done, not what we’re worried about them doing.”
“Yes, Mr. President.” Lloyd acknowledged the order, but sounded a little puzzled.
“Bill, you did a good job leading the council’s deliberations. Those are all good recommendations, but you and the council filtered the list. You missed one.”
Hyland looked shocked. Hardy’s tone was friendly, but the president had just accused the national security advisor of not doing his job properly. “Mr. President, we spent hours searching…”
Hardy raised his hand. “This is no reflection on you or your staff. I doubt if anyone even considered it, but I can see that if we’re playing on Fedorin’s turf, we’re going to have to use different rules. The key to the Russian offensive, and the thorn in all our strategic plans, is the Dragon and its launch facility on Bolshevik Island. That’s the new factor compared with earlier confrontations. That’s what has upset the balance.”
Hardy paused for moment, thoughtful, then finally said, “We have to destroy the launch facility before it becomes operational; in other words, as soon as possible.”
Patterson looked shocked. He hadn’t discussed this with her, still a little unsure if it was the only viable course. This second review had convinced him.
Lloyd looked thoughtful. Richfield and General Schiller looked as shocked as the first lady. Hardy had been speaking to Hyland, who sputtered, clearly searching for a reply other than “Are you nuts?”
Pausing to take a breath, Hyland finally stated firmly, “You’re right, sir. That option did not come up in the discussion. I can personally state that it did not even occur to me to suggest it, since an attack on Russian soil would be an act of war. We were trying to avoid that.” There was a subtle edge to his answer, as if Hardy should not even be talking about this.
“Fedorin’s shaken things up, Bill, and we need to do the same. Hybrid warfare is about living near the edge, then figuring out how far to hang over the side. Andy, you’re the only one who’s not shocked.”
“I was thinking about parallels between this and the Cuban Missile Crisis, Mr. President,” Lloyd replied calmly. “When the Russians put the ballistic missiles in Cuba, it dramatically shortened the warning time we would have, although there were other reasons for putting missiles there. President Kennedy considered it a grave threat to U.S. national security.”
“Yes, Andy, I was thinking the same thing. I believe the Russians will put a bargaining chip labeled ‘nuclear blackmail’ on the table, asking us if Europe is worth a nuclear war that would destroy the United States.”
“President Kennedy only ordered a quarantine,” Hyland argued, “and still, we almost had a nuclear war in 1962.”
“I remember reading the declassified invasion plan,” Richfield remarked. “I wrote a paper on the crisis when I was at National Defense University. The Russians didn’t think we’d react, that we’d accept the missiles’ presence there.”
“And instead he forced the Russians to put that piece back in the box,” Hardy replied. “Secretary Richfield, I don’t even have to ask you about the best method to take out the facility. Tell the CNO to give me a plan for using a submarine to covertly approach the facility and destroy it. I don’t mean to disable or damage it, either. I don’t want the Russians to be able to repair it, or make it partially operational. It needs to be obliterated.”
Richfield, a little walleyed, acknowledged the order, but Hyland protested. “This entire discussion has been about avoiding a war with Russia! Mr. President, this gives Fedorin the excuse he needs to start one! He still has all his other nuclear forces.”
Hardy frowned, but paused for a moment before replying, “No, Bill, I don’t think it will. Fedorin believes we’re weak, that we’ll just give in and let him take those former Soviet republics. This will give him something new and unexpected to consider. And the Bolshevik Island complex is his trump card. If we take it away, then the Russians lose the strategic cover they were depending on for this whole operation.”
He looked over at Richfield and General Schiller. “The DNI is telling me that the Russians are running short of money, that they’re not bringing everyone to the party, just their first-line forces. I think they aren’t expecting any real opposition; they believe that they can occupy those countries while forcing us to accept the new status quo. If the U.S. backs away, and we don’t honor Article V, the NATO Alliance will collapse. Do you agree with that assessment of their military forces?”
Richfield confirmed, “Yes, I do, Mr. President.”
“So does the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Mr. President,” echoed Schiller.
Turning back to Hyland, Hardy asked, “And why is attacking a remote, covert military base, whose sole purpose is a decapitation strike, more escalatory than allowing the Russians to complete it? Once it’s operational, we will be at a much higher risk of nuclear war every time the Russians cause a crisis, and this will only be the first of many.”
“Mr. President. I cannot recommend…” he started again, protesting. “The chance of war with the Russians…” He shook his head. “Sir, we have to give this more thought.”
Hardy sighed. “Bill, it’s time to make a decision here. Do you know who Arleigh Burke was?”
Hyland shook his head.
“Former chief of naval operations. He was so good, he served three tours as CNO. Destroyer skipper in World War II, but nobody’s perfect. He dealt with more than his share of crises. He said, ‘The major deterrent to war is a man’s mind.’ This launch facility is Fedorin’s baby, his vehicle for personal revenge against the U.S. It needs to go away.”
Hyland seemed muddled. He definitely had not understood what Hardy had meant. “Mr. President, you can’t…”