“In the last four years we have perfected a new weapon that causes destruction without blowing anything up. We call this missile the Hiroshima. The warhead itself is called the Scorpion. The warhead components are separate chemicals and gases that are dispersed into a cloud and react in midair to form a polymer emulsion — a glue, if you will. This glue rains down on the land below and adheres to every surface. Mixed in with the glue is this substance shown in the blue container. These are fine filings of plutonium, one of the most poisonous substances on the planet. The glue liquid and plutonium form a matrix that contaminates the area below the activation of the warhead. The effective zone of contamination varies with glue load, plutonium weight and missile altitude. We can dial in the area of contamination. Once contaminated, the area below, while physically the same, must be abandoned. Any human life in the effective zone dies from radiation effects. Other personnel entering the scene will die. An on-scene commander would soon deduce the cause of deaths in the effective zone, and the area would be cordoned off. Decontamination is not possible. The glue is essentially permanent, it doesn’t wash off with water or chemicals. Nothing short of scraping every square millimeter with a chisel can clean up the area. If this weapon detonates over the Tamga bunker, the area will be condemned for many years and use of the weapons will be impossible.” The picture darkened and the screen retracted into the ceiling above. “We plan to deploy a Hiroshima missile with a Scorpion warhead such as this against the Tamga weapons depot.”
Foreign Minister Yoshida shook his head. “So you plan to deploy a nuclear weapon against the Greater Manchurians because they have nuclear weapons?”
“No, Minister Yoshida, that is not true. This warhead is not a nuclear weapon.”
“It causes widespread radioactive contamination, killing the targeted city with radiation poisoning. It is a nuclear weapon.”
“No. It is a plutonium poison weapon, and yes, it kills. But the target is not a city, it is a bunker. Anyone inside will be a professional soldier taking the risks that soldiers take. We estimate only two hundred casualties.”
“Our people died at Hiroshima and Nagasaki from radiation. No Japanese weapon should exist that does this. General Gotoh.”
“Our people also died in the Pacific from bullets and bombs and fires, Minister Yoshida. That has not stopped us from using and making bullets and bombs and incendiary devices. All this talk about the nuclear destruction in 1945 has to stop. That was three generations ago. It was war. That is what happens in a war. This scenario is very different. We are surgically removing a threat. There will be deaths, but no spectacular flaming mushroom cloud, no babies dying in their mother’s arms, no shadows of pedestrians carved into the walls of buildings, no walls of flame for thirty miles from ground zero. It will not be a pretty scene inside the effective zone, but for this operation the effective zone will be a few hundred meters in diameter.”
“A practical question. General,” Kurita said. “The weapons are stored inside a bunker. How will this glue matrix contaminate them under the cover of the bunker roof?”
“First, the entire complex will be contaminated. No one will be able to get close, even if the weapons themselves are uncontaminated. But the ventilation systems will spread enough of the glue and plutonium to contaminate the surfaces of the interior. We have done tests. The missiles will be rendered useless.” Gotoh went on to explain technical details of the weapon, comfortable now that he was discussing machines instead of morality.
After he had spoken for another twenty minutes, uninterrupted by Yoshida, Kurita called for a break. The council members filed out to consider. When the members returned, the meeting began where it had left off.
“So you believe an attack with these weapons is truly justified?” Yoshida asked Kurita directly.
“It is not just I, Minister Yoshida,” Kurita replied to the foreign minister.
“The council members believe it to be justified. If I understand the thinking of the group, they feel that the Greater Manchurian weapons are sufficiently offensive that their mere existence in an operational status, and within the unstable rogue government of this state, merit the contemplation of a military strike to make the missiles ineffective. You have brought up doubt that the Greater Manchurians intend to use the missiles. We share your troubled feelings, Yoshidasan. This will be the weightiest decision made by our nation since the preventive strike on the Americans at Pearl Harbor, and you are correct that it should be considered cautiously. But let me add that in war, or a prelude to war, there is much uncertainty. Allow me to liken this most serious matter to a chess game in which the playing board is partially obscured. Or to a game of poker in which the opponent’s entire hand is obscured. We have peeked under the handkerchief hiding the board, Minister. We have seen several of our opponent’s cards. We know things about him while he knows little about us. We must not waste this advantage.”
“However, let me address one of your concerns. That of the reaction of Greater Manchuria should we attack their missiles. We have discussed a covert attack, and letting the Greater Manchurians guess who did the work. We have debated, the impact of Japanese denials of Greater Manchurian accusations. We believe that if Greater Manchuria cried to the Western press about being attacked by Japan, the West would turn against us, in war as well as in commerce. And so far there have been no solutions to these problems. You do not want to attack Greater Manchuria’s territory because they have not attacked us. We are worried that after the attack Greater Manchuria may use evidence of the strike against Japan. I have an answer to both problems.”
“We should commission a diplomatic mission to go along with the strike. Minister Yoshida, your ambassador to Greater Manchuria — what is his name?”
“Nakamoto.”
“Of course. Your Ambassador Nakamoto goes to President Len and tells him that Japan knows of his nuclear missiles and believes them to be offensive. Len will deny this. Nakamoto will say that Len must sign a nonaggression treaty with Japan in which Japan will control the missiles. Len will refuse. Nakamoto will demand that a Japanese military detail must be put in Tamga to oversee the depot and control the missiles. Len will again refuse. At this point the diplomatic delegation will depart to call Tokyo. That is when the strike will be executed. The diplomatic delegation will gather data transmitted by Tokyo and once the strike is a success, will meet again with Len. He will be shown the film of the bombing from the missile target camera. His own people will confirm for him what happened at Tamga. Nakamoto will tell Len that his refusal to help us led to the strike. But now Nakamoto will also tell him that Japan will keep the strike a secret — so that the missiles remain a deterrent to his immediate neighbors. In exchange, Japan and Greater Manchuria will sign the nonaggression treaty that he initially refused to sign. In the end, Japan has been honorable, telling Greater Manchuria what is desired, only attacking when there is no hope. After the attack, Japan offers to help Greater Manchuria keep her neighbors at bay. Nakamoto will offer to help Len build up his conventional military by selling him hardware at a special discount.”
“As you can see, all parties win. The missiles will be destroyed, putting us at ease. Japan’s honor remains intact, since we offered a diplomatic solution that was refused, leaving us no choice but a military strike. After the strike, the outstretched hand of Japan helping Greater Manchuria will transform a threat into an ally. In the years to follow. Greater Manchuria may well thank the heavens for the day we attacked Tamga.”