“You must declare your intentions, sir. My recommendation to you is to agree to turn over all those confiscated special weapons to the United Nations Nuclear Disarmament Agency. The United States will pay all costs of transporting, dismantling, incineration, disposal, or secure storage of the weapons. We can announce the action at a joint news conference, and this time I’ll be sure that President Jiang of China himself is there to endorse and support it. You can declare the Korean peninsula a certified weapons-of-mass-destruction-free zone and challenge China to turn Asia into a WMD-free continent.”
Kwon Ki-chae sat back in his chair, a move that startled Martindale and Hale. It was an extraordinarily casual gesture in a man who was normally extremely conscious of appearances. “I very much appreciate your concern and thoughts on this subject, Mr. President,” he said. “I am of course in full agreement with your sentiments. A WMD-free Asia would be in the best interests of everyone in the world.”
Martindale smiled, although a knot was forming in his stomach. He was afraid Kwon was about to let the other shoe drop.
“However, I think it would be best if we kept these weapons for the time being,” he said, sitting up straight again, his tone and mannerisms now grave. “We believe it would be a more persuasive show of sincerity and unanimity if President Jiang joined me in turning over all of his weapons of mass destruction to the United Nations.”
“Are you… serious?” Martindale blurted out. “Are you saying you will not turn over any warheads unless China agrees to turn over its warheads at the same time? Mr. President, do you seriously believe that’s ever going to happen?”
“Apparently you do not believe it,” Kwon replied. “But why is this so hard to believe, sir? Where is the threat? Certainly not from the United States, correct? Russia has not the capacity for war, and certainly not against a powerful neighbor. Let us all agree to lay down our weapons together in a total show of a lasting commitment for peace. What a glorious way to begin the new millennium.”
“Mr. President…” Kevin Martindale forced himself to control his rising anger and frustration. “Mr. President, please reconsider. The threat potentially facing Korea is very, very serious. If China perceives you as a threat, they may launch a preemptive attack against Seoul and against all of your military installations, North and South. The death and destruction could be enormous. China has certainly shown in recent years that it will react harshly and quickly to any threat to its security and regional hegemony. I believe you have an opportunity to be a world leader in the pursuit of peace and global nuclear disarmament. Please reconsider your position.”
“I will attempt to state United Republic of Korea’s position as plainly as I can,” Kwon said sternly, leaning toward the camera. “Our republic faced imminent destruction for almost fifty years. We endured two generations of schizophrenia and paranoia, brothers torn apart by a world that saw Korea as nothing more than spoils of war to be divided up like bits of clothing and equipment taken from the bodies of the dead on the battlefield.
“For decades, both North and South were forced to accept foreign powers on our soil. We were led to believe these powers were there to protect us from ourselves. We now know that they were really there to provide a forward presence for themselves, to act as a deterrent in their own selfish interests. Neither China, the United States, nor Russia cared about the Korean people. All you cared about was the military and geopolitical advantages that stationing troops on our soil, near your potential adversaries, could provide. You were protecting no one else but yourselves. No more.
“I will introduce an emergency bill in our new legislature, authorizing the Korean military to keep and control all military weapons and devices, including weapons of mass destruction,” Kwon said. “It will authorize the establishment of a positive control system, supervised by the president and the minister of defense. It will authorize training, maintenance, and deployment of all types of weapons now on Korean soil. And it will authorize that these weapons be deployed against whatever power threatens the peace, security, and sovereignty of United Korea.”
Kwon waited to let his words sink in, then went on: “With all due respect, Mr. Martindale, I was not able to believe you when you showed concern for Korea and expressed your hope that we would help contribute to world peace by turning over our weapons of mass destruction. You hoped we would do so because you asked us to. You hope that we will do so now because then you can save face before the Chinese government. Although we no longer look to the United States for our protection, the Chinese still believe we look to you for guidance and support — they believe we are still American puppets. You were hoping this was true. It is not.
“The weapons we have confiscated will stay in Korea until such time as we feel they are not necessary to secure our citizens, our borders, our government, and our way of life. I sincerely hope all such weapons can be destroyed around the world. But we must do it together.Until then, we will look to ourselves for our security.”
“President Kwon, I think you’re making a big mistake,” President Martindale said. “China… no, the world will react negatively to the news that Korea has decided to keep perhaps several hundred WMDs. You will undo all the great things you have accomplished in the past several weeks.”
“Was France ostracized and in danger of attack from Russia or the United States because it broke away from NATO and decided to control the fate of its own nuclear weapons?” Kwon asked. “Did the United States dismantle its nuclear arsenal because the Soviet Union was upset about you aiming ten thousand nuclear warheads at its cities? We will not willingly surrender any weapon in the hope that belligerent nations will follow suit and lay down their weapons too. That is a typical American folly that Korea will not repeat.
“I hope you are wrong, Mr. Martindale,” Kwon went on. “I hope China sees us as a stabilizing influence in Asia and not a destabilizing one. But it does not matter what they think. Korea will use all the resources available to it to defend its borders, its government, and its people. If it means war with China — well, many have said such a war was inevitable, that two such ideologically opposed nations can never coexist or even peacefully share a border. China has dominated Korea in the past, and if history shows us anything, it is that it may happen again. But this time we are united. Any who wish to attack or invade will find a stronger, more determined Korea standing in their way.”
“President Kwon, please, let me meet with you as soon as possible,” President Martindale said. “In Tokyo, in Singapore, in Manila, in Paris — anywhere you wish. We must sit down face-to-face and talk more.”
“I am very sorry, Mr. Martindale,” Kwon said, “but I have a fledgling country to run — and a military to organize. If China is indeed a threat to us, as you say, we must prepare. Good day to you, sir.” And the video-conference connection went dead.
Martindale was exhausted, physically and emotionally, when he dropped the receiver back on its cradle. He shook his head and massaged his aching temples. “You were right, Ellen,” he told the others in the Oval Office. “They aren’t going to give up the weapons. He sees them as his best opportunity to hold off another invasion by China. Kwon must be crazy to think he can stop China.”
“Kwon is not crazy, not by a long shot,” Vice President Whiting said seriously. “He is like a grand chess master, which in reality I believe he is: he can see six moves ahead, and he is dogged in his determination. He has infinite patience and a simple, clear, concise set of objectives — the creation of a united Korean nation. If keeping hundreds of WMDs will help him achieve that, he’ll do it.”