The room fell silent once again. Nobody wanted to vocalize what they all feared: Had Adams gone mad? Was he going to wreak revenge on the Muslim world? Was he going to hold the world at ransom? Or had he decided to implement his own brand of the MAD doctrine?
Chapter 25
“Just have a seat, Commander Wayne. I want to have an informal discussion rather than a formal briefing,” said President Thornton.
“Yes, Mister President,” said Lannis as he nervously sat down at the large conference table in the president’s office complex. Several other members of the president’s staff joined them. General Daramus, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs, sat next to Lannis. The general had arranged this afternoon meeting immediately after Lannis’s shocking briefing to the combined military staffs that morning.
“First reactions can be very telling,” began President Thornton. “Let’s review what happened in the Muslim world after the attack on Washington. With the passage of time, we tend to forget the immediate reactions of different countries around the world. Those same countries try to smooth things over later when they realize they have tipped their hands.”
“Yes, Mister President.” said Lannis. “Reaction within the Muslim world was mixed. All countries officially expressed their sorrow and offered assistance, and I believe most true Muslims were as horrified as we were, but there were still those more radical Muslims who openly celebrated. There were rejoiceful demonstrations, for example, in Gaza, the West Bank, and Tehran.”
President Thornton sighed. “It’s hard for me to believe that by that time, members of Hamas, Fatah, Islamic Jihad, and other radical Muslim groups still didn’t understand that there wasn’t any country in the world that had done more than the United States of America to bring the hope of a Palestinian State to reality. Commander Wayne, did you know that over the terms of four different U.S. presidents, we pressured both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to come to the bargaining table? Under President Clinton’s guidance, the ruling Fatah party struck from their political platform a covenant to annihilate Israel — a political move essential to the formation of a Palestinian State. But at Camp David, Prime Minister Yasser Arafat was unable to approve a final agreement with Israel that would have established the Palestinian State.”
“Yes, sir. As I recall, officials in the U.S. State Department blamed Arafat, concluding that although he had been a dynamic leader of an insurrection, he was unable to make the transition to statesman.”
“Yes, that’s true. It was a sad day for the Palestinians and the Middle East.”
“If I may, sir, I’d like to share a different opinion told to me by Commander George Adams.”
“Yes, by all means. Any insight into Adams’s character is welcome.”
“In Commander Adams’s opinion, Arafat knew perfectly well what he was doing. He refused to approve the agreement with Israel because upwards of thirty or forty percent of the Palestinian people still demanded Israel’s destruction. Signing the agreement would have caused a Palestinian civil war — and probably would have cost Arafat his life.”
“Well, that’s quite possible,” General Daramus agreed. “We know militant groups like Hamas were founded on detailed charters calling for the destruction of Israel. Over the years, they have simply refused to give up this policy even though it has proven to be self-destructive. It has always been my opinion there would have been a Palestinian State as early as 1985, if the Palestinians had just given up their violent ways and acknowledged Israel’s right to exist.”
“But their militant leaders let their hatred of the Jews override their love of their families and countrymen,” ventured Lannis. “And thousands of followers have continued to blindly follow the orders of their misguided leaders, never stopping to research the facts on their own or form their own opinions.”
The president looked around the room at the assembled officials. “We all know that the Washington bomber, Mahfouz al-Bedawi, came from Palestine. In retrospect, we probably should have seen it coming. The Hamas victory in the Palestinian parliamentary elections in January 2006 did nothing to help the Palestinian cause. Over the years, the Palestinian Authority had become totally dependent for its survival on aid from the Quartet: the United States, the European Union, Russia, and the United Nations. Hamas’s victory prompted the Quartet to demand that Hamas denounce violence and eliminate its commitment to destroy Israel as conditions for continued aid. Hamas, predictably, refused to do so.”
“Yes, sir,” said Lannis. “And as a result, the Quartet cut off aid.”
“Well, the resulting scenes in Gaza and the West Bank were pathetic,” continued the president. “Armed militants took to the streets, shooting their rifles into the air while demanding that aid be restored. Meanwhile, their wives and families cowered in their homes, starving. Gun battles broke out between Fatah supporters and Hamas. Appeals for aid were made to private organizations around the world, but with the continuing violence, it was impossible to get adequate amounts of food or medical supplies into the ravaged area. Basically, the once proud Palestinians became the world’s premier beggars, all because they could not let go of their hatred of the Jews.”
Lannis responded, “Hamas leaders, of course, blamed the Quartet, and particularly the United States, for all of their problems.”
“That’s exactly right. By their way of thinking, the problem couldn’t possibly be their own. And it was from the midst of this chaos, hatred, and total despair that al-Qaeda found their nuclear suicide bomber. The lesson being, if we are threatened again, we should look to similar places as being the source of the threat.”
“But if the Louisiana launches her missiles against the Muslim world, Mister President, we’ll have much bigger problems,” noted General Daramus.
“And from the NO FEAR message we received, she appears to be headed in that direction,” said Lannis.
“Can we track where it came from?” asked President Thornton.
“Not exactly, but we can narrow it down to within a few hundred square miles,” Lannis answered. “It appears to have been broadcast from the South Atlantic — several hundred miles off the west coast of Angola. It looks as though they may be about to round the Cape of Good Hope, and head for the Indian Ocean. From there, the four thousand nautical mile range of the Louisiana’s D-5 ballistic missiles would enable them to hit practically any Muslim target in Africa, the Middle East, or Asia.”
“Jeezum Crow!” the president responded, unconsciously slipping back to his Vermont roots. He had said that a lot lately. “Maybe the rumor is true. If Adams plans to attack Mecca or some other Muslim holy city, he’ll start World War Three.”
“He could be going after Iran, sir,” ventured Lannis.
“Iran? Why single out Iran?”
“Well, I’m sure you know the investigation of the Washington attack found evidence that the nuclear warhead used there was delivered to the East Coast by submarine.”
“Yes…”
“What you may not know is that Commander Adams was the executive officer of one of our attack submarines that was on East Coast patrol during the time period the warhead is believed to have been delivered. On that patrol, they had an intermittent sonar contact that was classified as a possible Kilo-class diesel-electric submarine. The crew lost the contact, but decided not to pursue it because of the unlikelihood that a Kilo would be so far from home.”
“Ah ha! So George Adams feels some sort of personal responsibility for the DC attack?” the president asked incredulously.