“It’s not just me,” Ali replied. “Ibrahim is with me too. We wanted to make sure you were safe.”
“Yes, I am safe. The Lord’s grace is sufficient. He is my Shepherd; what more could I want? Now, come in, come in, boys. What a joy to have you here.”
Ali and Ibrahim, two young men in their early twenties, entered Dr. Birjandi’s small bungalow, gave him a hug, and kissed their mentor on both cheeks. They sat down on low, cushioned chairs, their regular seats during their beloved study sessions. Each of them gave Birjandi a quick update on how they and their families were doing — all safe, so far as they knew — but they also shared their deep and growing fears for the future of their country.
“We could not wait for Wednesday,” Ali explained, referring to their usual meeting time. “We have a million questions, and you are the only one we know who has the answers. I hope it is okay that we came. With the phone lines down, we had no way of giving you advance notice.”
“Yes, yes, of course it is okay,” Dr. Birjandi assured them. “Are the others all right?”
“They are safe, praise God,” Ali said. “But they couldn’t come on such short notice.”
“Well, I am honored that you both have come,” Birjandi said. “We have been through much in the past two months, but it was all a prelude to this moment. I have told you from the beginning: our Lord, in his great and unfathomable sovereignty, called you to himself for such a time as this. He has chosen each of you to know him and to make him known. The question is, are you ready to serve the Lord your God with all your heart and soul and mind and strength and to love your neighbors enough to tell them the truth, no matter what it may cost you?”
“We are,” they insisted. “But we are scared.”
“I understand,” Birjandi assured them. “But you needn’t be. Come, let us start on our knees with prayer.”
9
“All that to say, Mr. Prime Minister, it is time to stop this madness. It is time to accept President Jackson’s call for a cease-fire and end all hostilities with Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas — now, within the hour.”
This meeting wasn’t going as planned. Sitting in a thick leather chair in his personal library, Prime Minister Asher Naphtali had listened carefully to the long-winded case being made by Daniel T. Montgomery, the American ambassador to Israel. But he wasn’t buying a word of it, and he was losing patience. What’s more, he was still in tremendous pain from the burns he had suffered in the Iranian terrorist attack at the Waldorf in New York, and soon it would be time for his nurses to change his bandages.
“Dan, you and I have known each other a long time,” Naphtali said. “Yet with all due respect, I’ve sat here for the last half hour and listened to you lecture me about how my country is endangering the security of the Middle East and threatening the economy of the world by embarking on — in your words—‘a reckless military adventure.’”
“They are the president’s words, not my own, I assure you,” Montgomery replied.
“Nevertheless, now the president is warning me to stop defending my country from the threat of a second Holocaust, and that is completely unacceptable,” Naphtali countered. “We are under attack from a country that has built and tested nuclear weapons and has continually threatened to wipe my people off the face of the planet. At any moment, we could discover that one of the warheads that successfully penetrates our defenses is nuclear, chemical, or biological. At the same time, we’re under attack from Gaza by rockets and mortars fired by Hamas and Islamic Jihad. We’re under attack from the north by rockets and missiles fired by Hezbollah. The only sliver of good news, if you can really call it that, is that the Syrians have not unleashed the totality of their missile force — yet. For the life of me, I cannot figure out why. Apparently Gamal Mustafa is more concerned at the moment with killing his own people than killing us Jews. Yet I have no doubt the Syrians will strike soon and very likely with devastating effect. So where is the president of the United States, ostensibly our most trusted ally? He is warning us — Israel, the only real democracy in the entire Middle East — to stop defending ourselves or risk, what? A U.N. Security Council resolution condemning us? Then what? Economic sanctions on my country? Sanctions enforced by the American Navy and Air Force? A cessation of U.S. military aid? What exactly is the president saying here?”
“Believe me, Mr. Prime Minister, President Jackson does not want it to go that far.”
“But you’re certainly suggesting that if I don’t accept the president’s conditions, Israel is facing scenarios along these lines, correct?”
“I’m not here to deal in hypotheticals.”
“They’re not hypotheticals,” Naphtali said flatly. “The State of Israel will not accept the president’s terms. The Jewish people will not lay down our arms in the face of threatened annihilation, and furthermore, we won’t be intimidated into surrender by our most important ally.”
Ambassador Montgomery shifted uncomfortably in his seat. “You are putting the president in a very awkward position,” he explained.
At this, Naphtali laughed out loud. “Really? Are you kidding me?” Then he sighed and said, “I have to tell you, my friend, I don’t see it that way. And frankly the American people don’t see it that way either. The new CBS/New York Times poll shows 73 percent of your country siding with us, not Iran. The NBC/Wall Street Journal poll finds 69 percent of the American people saying the White House should do more to support us, while the new ABC/Washington Post poll out yesterday shows your president’s approval rating down nine points in three days, almost entirely because he’s not perceived as doing enough to stand with his most trusted ally in the Middle East.”
Montgomery began to protest, but Naphtali raised a hand to cut him off.
“No, no — look, Dan, I’m not interested in engaging in a Lincoln-Douglas debate on this. The facts speak for themselves. The American people — along with the vast majority of Congress — understand the magnitude of the threat we faced before the war. And they understand what we face now. They know how patient we were for the international community to act decisively to neutralize the Iranian nuclear threat. They know the president didn’t do enough. They know the U.N. didn’t do enough, that NATO didn’t do enough. They believe President Jackson badly miscalculated vis-à-vis Iran. He vowed never to let the mullahs get the Bomb, but they did. The president vowed to have our back, but now a lot of people believe he has turned his back on us.”
“Is that how you see it?” the ambassador asked.
“I’m saying that’s how a whole lot of Americans see it,” Naphtali replied, sidestepping the direct question. “The American people overwhelmingly support our right and our responsibility to protect our people from this apocalyptic, genocidal death cult that runs Iran. The president’s resistance to standing with us, to keeping his word, is costing him politically. It’s costing his party. The favorable rating for the Democratic Party is down sharply. Jewish giving to the party is down sharply. We read your papers. We see what’s happening. But look, the domestic politics of this battle inside your country are not my concern, and I’m not looking for a public dustup with President Jackson. To the contrary, we both need each other right now.”
“What are you suggesting?” the ambassador asked.
Naphtali didn’t hesitate. “Tell the president to change his tune—today. Tell him to back me and the State of Israel publicly, wholeheartedly, and without reservation. And then give us the tools to finish this job.”