"You know what they were thinking," the president said, slamming his fist on the table. "It couldn't be more crystal clear!" Silence prevailed while Macklin schooled himself.
"Since Beijing regained control of Hong Kong, almost every aspect of that world-class city has deteriorated or become corrupted. They gained control of the Panama Canal and look what happened. Hell, they're sitting in our backyard, literally nine hundred miles from the U.S. border, with control over a vital choke point between the Atlantic and the Pacific.
"Let me rephrase that statement. The Chinese will not have control over the canal anymore. We have taken control of the canal, and the matter isn't open for discussion. We'll work with the Panamanian government to reach an agreement that works for both our countries. I will give President Liu Fan-ding one month to get the remainder of his communist storm troops out of Panama."
The other men and women in the cabinet room looked at each other with wide-eyed expressions.
"For the reasons I have previously mentioned, I'm going to take a vigorous approach with China and stop tiptoeing around the elephant in the living room. I'm going to send Beijing a very straightforward message. If we are provoked, the United States of America will strike back swiftly and with devastating results."
Macklin noted with great pleasure that Hartwell Prost had discreetly nodded his head.
"Simply put, ladies and gentlemen, I have chosen this time in our history, and this set of circumstances, to take a hard stand against the Red Chinese. If anyone in this room has a problem with my position on China, speak now and don't hold anything back."
Silence filled the room.
The president turned to Brett Shannon, his Yale-educated, bespectacled secretary of state. "Brett, I know you just returned from Beijing, but I want our remaining State Department people out of there as quickly as possible."
"Yes, sir."
"And I want all U.S. citizens living in China to be notified immediately that it would be in their best interest to leave China as soon as possible."
"I will make the arrangements directly after we adjourn." Dressed as usual in a suit that was a size too large for him, Shannon looked bone tired and somewhat irritable. "I need to brief our friends and alliance partners in that region to make sure we're on the same page."
"Another thing," Hartwell Prost said. "We need bipartisan support from Congress and the American people. Mr. President, you will have to make the case to the citizens of our country. If the people are with you, Congress will follow."
"Let's see if our distinguished congressional leadership will invite me to a special joint session."
Prost shook his head. "In my view, sir, that would be too formal, as if we're looking for a fight or are ready to declare war."
"What do you suggest?"
"The Oval Office. It's the setting most Americans relate to, and you're the only person they'll see. You'll have a captive audience without distractions from cameras panning around a roomful of celebrities — each vying to get their mug on television."
"That makes sense."
"And I recommend a private meeting with key members of Congress, before the telecast, of course. We have to be forthright and honest with the American people, and we have to be willing to listen to both sides of the aisle in Congress. That means keeping the leaders of both houses and every American informed about every step we take."
"I concur. If we're pressed into a major military confrontation with China, I'm going to openly request congressional support." The president looked at the chairman of the joint chiefs. "Les, do you have any recommendations?"
"Yes, sir." He composed his thoughts. "First, I want to say that we've made great strides in the recent past toward rebuilding our military, but we aren't there yet. There's always the danger that we could be backing ourselves into a corner where we would be forced to use our nuclear weapons."
Chalmers kept eye contact with Macklin. "If we engage China, North Korea is sure to see an opportunity to make mischief — we could find ourselves pressed on two fronts and get waylaid in the Middle East."
The president showed no emotion. "I know it's your duty to give me the worst-case scenario, and I appreciate it."
"Yes, sir."
"You mentioned recommendations?"
"Yes — when I recalled the Roosevelt battle group to the South China Sea, I requested joint military exercises with Australia and New Zealand. They have really pitched in for us and joined Roosevelt. I strongly suggest we move Roosevelt closer to the southern end of the Taiwan Strait and leave Kitty Hawk at the northern opening to the strait."
"You want to keep them in deeper water?"
"Yes, sir. We have three submarines in the area, and by tomorrow evening we'll have another sub rendezvousing with Roosevelt."
"Good, let's muster the troops," Macklin said boldly as he rose from his chair. "We have a lot to do before I leave for Bangkok."
Despite the United States's questionable decision to ease sanctions on North Korea, famine, starvation, corruption, sabotage, black-marketing, and exposure to the world of the country's irreversible problems had shaken the teetering system.
Unable to disguise the growing economic and political disasters, not to mention the 3 million people in a country of 22 million who had starved to death, the dictator of the rogue nation was rapidly losing control of his minor nuclear power.
Unstable and desperate, North Korea posed a serious threat to South Korea and the 40,000-plus U.S. troops stationed there. Along with the White House the South Korean political and military leaders were preparing for the worst.
With more than 1,065,000 military personnel, 3,600 tanks, 432 naval surface combatants, 82 bombers, 780 fighters, and 10,400 surface-to-air missiles, North Korea would be a formidable enemy.
The USS Stennis battle group was steaming at flank speed to the Yellow Sea, and the Pacific Air Forces, headquartered at Hickam Air Force Base, Hawaii, were sending additional bombers and fighter planes to Andersen Air Force Base, Guam; Yokota Air Base, Japan; Osan Air Base, South Korea; Misawa Air Base, Japan; and Kadena Air Base, Japan (Okinawa). If the North Korean government collapsed and their military attacked South Korea, far more lives could be sacrificed than had been lost to starvation.
High above the Hungnam Seaport in the city and provincial capital of Hamhung, a Lockheed Martin U-2 reconnaissance plane was documenting the arrival of thirty-two MiG-21 fighters from Kazakhstan. The long-lived spy plane was observing the fifth shipment of warplanes from the former Soviet republic.
North Korea was rapidly adding more jets to the 140 MiG-21s it had previously purchased. The total force of jet fighter aircraft now totaled 803 and was growing. Sixteen Russian attack pilots were augmenting the training of North Korean fighter pilots. The Russian instructors were handpicked and very experienced veterans.
Southeast of North Korea's capital city of Pyongyang, a Central Intelligence Agency Gnat unmanned aerial vehicle was using an improved synthetic aperture radar to spot tanks and troops moving toward South Korea. A product of General Atomics and Sandia, the SAR was observing the lines of military equipment and personnel through clouds and light rain. The soldiers were going to one of three staging points that were increasing in size by the day.
Analysts at the CIA's Global Response Center were certain that North Korea was on the verge of invading their neighbor to the south.
The president appeared to be relaxed and calm as he walked to his desk. It was framed on one side by the American flag and on the other by the presidential flag. He took his seat and adjusted his tie, while making eye contact with his staff and the camera technicians from major media outlets. The lights came on and he was given his cue.