“Our new governor, Mr. Charles PoulettThomson, of whom more in a moment,” Robert continued, “has broughtwith him the terms of a Union Bill approved by the MotherParliament on condition that it is ratified by both Quebec andUpper Canada. As Quebec is still under direct rule by theGovernor’s Special Council, the terms will be forced on her despitethe fierce opposition there. Hence, the torch has been passed tous. What happens in our Assembly and our Legislative Council in thenext few weeks will determine whether we continue to live aconstrained political and economic existence under the rule of theold-guard Tories and subject to the whims of successive governorsor whether we evolve towards political independence and a system ofgovernance which reflects the will of the majority in the electedAssembly. All we’ve ever asked is to have a cabinet form ofgovernment modelled on the British system.”
“It’s too bad you’re not in the Assemblynow,” said the sitting member for Northumberland County from hisseat by the bow window.
“I don’t think the most important work willbe done there,” Hincks said, looking at Robert forconfirmation.
“Francis is right. All the eloquence orirrefutable logic in the world won’t change the mind of people likeJohn Strachan or Hagerman or Crookshank – dyed-in-the-wool Tories.It’s the handful of moderates in the middle that we must pursue andwin over before the Legislature opens next month.”
“How do you propose to approach them?” RobertSullivan said. “I will need some cogent arguments myself if I am topersuade the old fogies in the Legislative Council to do theirduty.”
Robert’s cousin was an odd figurepolitically. Just a year ago he had spoken out against the unionidea and ensured the defeat of a bill proposing it. He publiclydisparaged French-speaking citizens and their leaders. But he hadrecently become persuaded that Upper Canada was now strong enoughon its own to survive any fusion of the two provinces and todominate its politics, especially since the British proposal beforethem guaranteed that Upper Canada’s huge debt would be absorbed andpaid off – at the expense of the French.
Robert eagerly addressed his cousin’squestion. “Our first argument, always, will be that the Union Billis the will of the home government and by extension the will of theCrown.”
“Precisely,” Hincks said. “The Tories havespent the past five years proclaiming that they are theloyalist party and branding us as an American cabal who secretlywant a republic unfettered by monarchist ties.”
“Secondly, I suggest that we unsettle theplaceholders – the appointed ministers and petty officials who haveachieved near life-tenure under the aegis of the Family Compact andtheir cronyism – by emphasizing that the bill creates a permanentcivil list and, at the same time, calls for all other majorappointments to be held at the pleasure of the current governor.Moreover, when a new governor arrives, as he has just done, he willbe free to replace the sitting ministers and senior civilservants.”
“But won’t that induce the present ministersand Executive Councillors to oppose the bill?” someone on the otherside of the room asked.
“Not if we stress that His Excellency, Mr.Poulett Thomson, has been sent here to make sure that the billpasses,” Hincks said with some relish. “In short, their owntenure at this moment depends upon their pleasing the currentgovernor, who may be here for many years, and who holds their fatein his hands.”
Murmurs of approval greeted this slystratagem.
“The unrepentant Tories will hang fireanyway,” Robert added, “but moderates like Merritt and Sherwoodwill be looking ahead, not behind. We just want to give thesefellows a bit of a push.”
“And we should also point out to Sherwood andhis group that the provinces are to be equally represented in bothupper and lower houses, even though Quebec has a third largerpopulation,” Hincks said.
“True,” Robert Sullivan said, “but mostTories and many ordinary folk feel that that is still far too greata reward for a populace who revolted against the Crown and who,even now, have been deemed so unfit for parliamentary governmentthat their Assembly has been suspended and they require supervisionby a special council. How do we counter such a view?”
It was a good question, and gained more powerfor having been put by a man who agreed with the sentiment behindit.
“Simple,” Hincks replied, glancing ever sofurtively over at Robert beside him and receiving the briefest nodof approval. “We will tell them that a sizeable minority electedfrom Quebec will perforce be English members, and that so long aswe English stick together on important issues – whatever happens toparty alignments – there is absolutely no danger that the Frenchcan ever outvote us.”
Robert reached over and picked a macaroon outof the bottomless dish on the table beside him – to hide hisembarrassment at this necessary piece of sophistry.
“And, we should add,” Robert Sullivan said, “that within a decade our population will have overtaken theirs, andwe can then move to rep-by-pop, eh?” He seemed inordinatelypleased with this possibility.
At this point, Clement Peachey, the solicitorand workhorse of the Baldwin and Sullivan firm, cleared his throatand said in his customary diffident but clear-headed manner, “Havewe not, Robert, been avoiding the main issue?”
Robert smiled. “More like leaving the hardestpart to last.”
“You’re referring to responsible government?”Dr. Baldwin said. He had been sitting on Robert’s right, takingeverything in but saying nothing so far. His opinion, of course,was appreciated above all others because in addition to being aphysician, a lawyer (and Bencher of the Law Society), an architectand a politician, he had espoused the notion of a cabinet-form ofresponsible government for the province three decades ago, hadtirelessly argued for it, and had raised his son Robert to carry onthe fight, should he himself falter. “As we all know now, despiteLord Durham’s explicit recommendation on behalf of the concept,there is no reference to it in the terms of the Union Bill we areexpected to debate and approve.”
“But that doesn’t mean it’s been taken offthe table,” Robert hastened to add. “My father has just returnedfrom an audience with His Excellency at Government House.Father?”
William Warren Baldwin, a striking figure atany time, sat forward in his chair and commanded the strictattention of the gathering. The significance of his conversationwith the man who represented the Crown and its near-absolute powerdid not have to be underlined.
“We talked for two hours,” Dr. Baldwin said.“The Governor was extremely courteous, gracious even. He is amerchant and a politician, in fact and by inclination. That makeshim critically different from the military governors we’ve had inthe past. He is highly intelligent, at ease with abstract ideas andprinciples, and takes much pleasure in serious dialogue. At thesame time, of course, he is a man of great subtlety and possiblesubterfuge.”
He let this caveat sink in.
“Be that as it may, he has been sent here toget the Union Bill passed. And that fact for the first timepresents our party with the kind of advantage we have long hopedfor. His Excellency has assured me – and shown me corroborativecorrespondence from his superiors in London – that some practical,if unlegislated, form of cabinet government must evolve. He isappalled, for example, that Sir George Arthur, aslieutenant-governor here, has not really had a cohesive party inthe Assembly to reflect the views of his own executive. And so, Mr.Thomson has, in effect, offered us a quid pro quo. Wesupport the principal terms of the Union Bill and actively worktowards its approval in the Assembly in return for a promise on hispart to help us find a way to let the will of the people operatewithout abridging the absolute rights of the Crown and the mothercountry.”