Examinations returned with a vengeance. Every year the government set a date and time for the unified competitive college examination. High school graduates took the examination locally, indicating in order of preference the colleges they would like to attend if they passed.
Although in theory every college had a president, a vice president, deans, and the like, the real educational policy maker was the Communist Party organization in each school. School presidents or other administrators often had to be party members, but even they could not make decisions without the full cooperation of party representatives. Subsequently there were demands for reforms giving more power to school administrators and faculty members. Communism and the intellectuals
Throughout China’s long history, the intellectuals considered themselves the preservers and transmitters of the precious culture of their country. Their road to success was not always smooth, but the intellectuals were strengthened by the belief that once they won recognition as first-rank scholars they would be rewarded with position, honour, and lasting fame.
The attitude of the Chinese communists toward intellectuals is, in large measure, influenced by their ideology. While workers and peasants were raised to the top position, the intellectuals were downgraded because they were considered products of bourgeois and feudal education and perpetuators of bourgeois ideology. The communist policy was to “absorb and reform” the intellectuals.
The intellectuals were made to undergo thorough thought remodeling to be “cleansed” of bourgeois ideas and attitudes. The remodeling began with relatively mild measures, such as “political study” and “reeducation.” The policy became increasingly oppressive in the 1950s when intellectuals were pressured to take part in the class struggle of the land reform and in orchestrated attacks on university professors, writers, artists, and intellectuals in different walks of life. The intellectuals—especially those who had studied in Western schools or had been employed by Western firms—were forced to write autobiographies giving details of their reactionary family and educational background, pinpointing their ideological shortcomings, and confessing their failings.
Following Khrushchev’s 1956 speech criticizing Stalin, violence broke out in Poland and Hungary. This worried Mao, who agreed to try Premier Zhou Enlai’s proposal to relax the Communist Party’s pressure on intellectuals. This resulted in the slogan “Let a hundred flowers bloom, a hundred schools of thought contend.” Mao indicated that intellectuals would be allowed to speak freely. The result, however, was unexpected and shocking. Once they began to speak freely, the intellectuals unleashed a torrent of angry words, fierce criticisms, and open attacks against the repressive measures under which they had suffered. Some recanted the confessions they had made under duress; others went so far as to denounce the Communist Party and its government. To avoid a more serious outburst of explosive ideas and emotions, the government decided to put a stop to the “blooming–contending.” Outspoken critics were labeled rightists, and an anti-rightist campaign not only silenced the intellectuals but also placed them under more restrictive controls than before. The “flowers” wilted and the “schools” were muffled.
During the Cultural Revolution, Mao’s criticism of the intellectuals instigated young radicals all over the country to join the struggle against the intellectuals. Students were urged to slap and to spit at their teachers; insult, humiliation, and torture were common. Some teachers chose suicide. Others were sent to May 7th cadre schools or to the countryside to be reformed by labour.
After Mao’s death and the repudiation of the radical extremists, the intellectuals began to grow stronger. A movement called “Beijing (Peking) Spring” was launched in November 1978. Huge wall posters condemning the communist regime appeared on Beijing’s so-called Democracy Wall. The movement’s leaders expanded the modernization program by adding a fifth modernization, which clearly emphasized democracy, freedom, and human rights. The “Beijing Spring” movement was short-lived, but Chinese intellectuals in the United States and Hong Kong, as well as in China, continued to organize themselves and to advocate democracy and freedom. In China, astrophysicist Fang Lizhi toured university campuses speaking against the repression that he believed had killed the initiative and creativity of Chinese scholars. In the spring of 1989 a grand prodemocracy demonstration took place in Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The university students took the lead, demanding a higher allotment of funds for education and protesting corruption, but people from all walks of life joined the demonstration. The movement drew attention and support both at home and abroad. However, it was soon forcibly suppressed by the government, and the country, including educational affairs, continues to be controlled by the Communist Party. Theodore Hsi-en Chen Patterns of education in non-Western or developing countries Japan Education at the beginning of the century
Between 1894 and 1905 Japan experienced two conflicts—the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese wars—that increased nationalistic feelings. Japan also experienced accelerated modernization and industrialization. In accord with the government’s new nationalism and efforts to modernize the country, educational reform was sought. The Japanese education system took as its model the western European educational systems, especially that of Germany. But the basic ideology of education remained the traditional one outlined in 1890 in the Imperial Rescript on Education (Kyōiku Chokugo).
In 1900 the period of ordinary elementary schooling was set at four years, and schooling was made compulsory for all children. At the same time, the cost of compulsory education was subsidized from the national treasury. In 1907 the period of compulsory education was extended from four to six years. As the educational system gradually improved and as modernization progressed and the standard of living increased, school enrollments soared. The percentage of elementary-age children in school rose from 49 in 1890 to 98 in 1910.
In those days, boys and girls in primary school studied under the same roof, though in separate classrooms. In secondary education, however, there were entirely separate schools for boys and girls—the chūgakkō, or middle school, for boys and the jogakkō, or girls’ high school, both aiming at providing a general education. Other than these, there was the jitsugyōgakkō, or vocational school, which was designed to afford vocational or industrial education to both boys and girls. All three secondary schools were for students who had completed the six- or four-year course of primary education.
As for the elementary and secondary curriculum, the Imperial Rescript on Education made it clear that traditional Confucian and Shintō values were to serve as the basis of moral education. This emphasis was implemented by courses on “national moral education” (shūshin), which served as the core of the curriculum. In 1903 a system of national textbooks was enacted, giving the Ministry of Education the authority to alter texts in accordance with political currents.
To meet the demand for an expansion of education, a new system for training primary school teachers was established under the Normal School Order of 1886 and subsequently developed under the strong control of the government. All the normal schools were run by the prefectures, and none were private. At first only the graduates of the higher primary schools were qualified for the normal school, but in 1907 a new course was introduced for graduates of the middle schools and the girls’ high schools. After 1886 the kōtō shihangakkō, or higher normal school for women, trained secondary school teachers. Additionally, temporary teachers’ training institutes were established after 1902. These were all state-run. There were also state-run institutes for training vocational school teachers.