92 His original name was Otto Maschl. He learned Esperanto in 1913. From 1932 to 1939 he taught Marxism and economics at the Higher Workers' Institute of the French Trade Union Association (CGT). As of 1949 he was Soviet economy editor for the journal Est-et-Ouest. See the biographical summary in J.-L. Panne, 'Lucien Laurat', in Maitron & Pennetier, Dictionnaire, 1988, vol. 23, pp. 337-8.
125 P. Lisicin, 'Batalo sur la lingva kampo', Sennaciulo 5 (1928/29): 400-1.
130 EdE, p. 591.
137 Ni bezonas disciplinon, devokonscion kaj memkritikon', Bulteno de CK SEU 6 (1927/28):
65-6.
13Homo (Herbert Muravkin), 'Kial SAT devas batali kontrau la imperialismo?', Sennaciulo 5 (1928/29): 164. Lanti replied laconically that on these questions Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg had disagreed: E.L., 'Respondo al "respondo"', Sennaciulo 5 (1928/29): 172. Lanti had long since made clear his dislike of struggles for national independence: see, for example, 'Sennaciismo je praktika vidpunkto', Sennaciulo 3 (1926/27), 123/124: 1-2.
19Mikael [=Michael] Farbman, 'Naciisma revivigo en la nova Rusio. Fiereco je propra lando kaj izoligo de Europo. Ekonomia rekonstruo', Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 125 (from Daily Herald, 19 October 1929).
22'Al ciujsovetiajgek-doj!', Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 436.
45 'Voĉoj de SAT-anoj', Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 468, 483.
65 A. Erjuhin, 'For individuismon', Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 266.
^'Rezolucio pri la PEK-laboro', Sur Posteno (international edition) 2 (1934): 105-6. See also Sur Posteno Klasbatala, 1934: 117-18, 120.
100 Circular ('To all Communist Esperantists') by Gladys Keable, general secretary of IPE, 20 Oct. 1938, p. 2; a copy of the five densely typed pages was kindly provided by Edward Ockey.
12 Sachsisches Volksblatt (Zwickau), 12 February 1914; cited from Germana Esperantisto 11 (1914), issue A, p. 59. We should add that the German Social Democratic Party had a particularly severe position and that before the World War there were also socialists who declared themselves favorable to Esperanto. At the end of 1911 the congress of the Czech social democrats unanimously recom- mended recruitment for it (La Kulturo 1 [1912], 1: 5). British socialists signed a declaration of support for Esperanto (Das Esperanto ein Kulturfaktor, vol. 3, Stuttgart: Ader & Borel, 1913, p. 68), and in the Netherlands an outstanding supporter was the prominent socialist Domela Nieuwenhuis.
51N.Ia. Marr, Iafeticheskaia teoriia, Baku 1927; German translation in Tasso Borbe, Kritik der marxistischen Sprachtheorie N. Ja. Marrs, Kronberg: Scriptor, 1974, pp. 63-262 (quotation p. 87).
54 Bokarev names, among others, Max Muller, Hugo Schuchardt, Antoine Meillet, Jan Baudouin de Courtenay, Otto Jespersen and Edward Sapir.
68E. Drezen, 'Antauparolo', in Stalin (1930), p. 5.
69Cf. Martin (2001), pp. 105-12, 345-56.
87Spiridovich, pp. 95-6, 98.
88 Spiridovich, p. 96.
112The brigade members were Grigorii Burliagov, A. Lobachev, Mikhail Pashchenko and Semyon
Podkaminer.
124See also 'Tov. Skrypnik ob esperanto', Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 9 (1931): 216 (extract from an article in Bilshovyk Ukra'iny, 1931, no. 8). It was certainly no accident that after Skrypnyk's dis- missal the Esperanto summary sheets La Vojo de Klerigo ceased to appear.
126Cf. Gerhard Simon (1991), p. 150.
[1] It was published, in agreement with the Universal Esperanto Association, by the German publisher Bleicher, and reprinted in 1990 in Moscow by Progress Publishers. In 1988 a German-language version also appeared, and this was followed by translations into Italian (1990), Russian (1999), Lithuanian (2005) and Korean (2013).
[2] La dangera lingvo, Rotterdam: Universala Esperanto-Asocio, 2016.
[3] Orig II 923 (the letter to Borovko was published in 1896, but we do not know when Zamenhof actually wrote it). On Bialystok, see Maimon (1978), p. 17 and following.
[4]ItoKanzi (1982), p. 103.
[5] Letter to Michaux, 21 February 1905, Orig II 1436-46 (quotations pp. 1437-38). The letter to Michaux and other letters and statements important to an understanding of Zamenhof's thought are conveniently brought together in MEH (this quotation: pp. 99-106).
[6] In Bialystok, Marcus Zamenhof taught in a state school for Jews. Later he became one of three Jews working in Warsaw as secondary school teachers. See Korjenkov (2011), pp. 32—3, 41—3.
[7] Orig II 1442. Compare the statement of Vladimir Jabotinsky, a later Zionist leader, on his loving relationship with Russian culture (1903): Slezkine (2004), p. 69. In his youth Jabotinsky learned Esperanto. See also Kunzli (2010), pp. 79—80.
[8] [Isidore Harris], 'Esperanto and Jewish ideals: Interview for the Jewish Chronicle with Dr. Zamenhof', TheJewish Chronicle, 6 September 1907, pp. 16—18 (esp. p. 16).
[9] Orig II 924.
[10] According to Maimon (1978), p. 66, citing an article in a Hebrew journal in 1947, Zamenhof made this comment to the Yiddish writer A. Litvin. In 1889 Zamenhof named the confusion of languages 'one of the great misfortunes of humanity': Orig I 243.
[11] Orig II 926.
[12] Orig II 927.
[12] Friends of Zion. The movement was also named Hibbat Zion (Love for Zion).
[13]The brochure appeared in German in Berlin in September 1882.
[14]Vital, Origins, pp. 122-32.
[15] Orig II 1442. The observation was, however, made in the context of his description of his child- hood in Bialystok.
[16] See Ewa Geller, 'Die vielfach verkannte Jiddische Grammatik des Ludwik Zamenhof', in Marion Aptroot and others (ed.), Leket: Yidishe shtudyes haynt/Jiddistik heute/ Yiddish Studies Today, Dusseldorf: Dusseldorf University Press, 2012, pp. 393-414.
[17] In his interview for TheJewish Chronicle Zamenhof recounted that he proposed such a plan in a meeting of 15 of his fellow students: Maimon (1978), p. 168.
[18] According to Privat, however, Zamenhof began to return to his language project as early as August 1881. See Privat (2007), p. 48.
[19]Stephen M. Berk, Year of Crisis, Year of Hope: Russian Jewry and the Pogroms of 1881-1882, Westport CT & London: Praeger, 1985, p. 127.
[20] Maimon (1978), pp. 101, 169. In August 1883, this student group joined the general society of Hibbat Zion in Warsaw and soon became the most active of all the groups: Vital, Origins, p. 152.
[21] Zamenhof at first pleaded for settlement inthe USA, because in the USA cosmopolitanism was in effect guaranteed, while Palestine, if needed, 'would not be lost for us'. Later he was converted to the idea of a Jewish state in Palestine. The contributions to Razsvetwere most recently translated in MEH, pp. 5-26 (quotation p. 21).
[22] Orig II 1441.
[23]Zamenhof also came to the conclusion that a return to Palestine was an unrealizable dream. He did not join the great Zionist movement of Theodor Herzl, founded in 1897.
[24] Orig II 1433.
[25]OrigI 84.
[26] Orig I 82.