[73]Text in EeP, pp. 418-20.
[74] Leo Belmont proposed including such a reference. The Declaration did indeed contain the sug- gestion that Esperanto 'could serve as a pacifying language of public institutions in those countries where various nations fight internally over language'—a formula that was aimed in the first instance at the situation in the Russian Empire.
[75] Harris, 'Esperanto and Jewish ideals', p. 16.
[76] Letter of 28 March 1901, Orig II 1208.
[77] Zamenhof believed that the unique 'religious nationalism' of the Jews barred them from 'all intercommunication with the surrounding world': Hilelismo (1901), OrigII 1154.
[78] Letter to Michaux, 21 Feb. 1905, Orig II 1438, 1440.
[79] Gomo Sum (= Zamenhof), Gillelizm. Proekt resheniia evreiskago voprosa, Saint Petersburg: Sklad', 1901. Reprinted, with an Esperanto translation, by Adolf Holzhaus, Helsinki: Fondumo Esperanto, 1972. French translation (by Pierre Janton): Lazare Louis Zamenhof, Le hillelisme: Projetdesolution de la question juive, Clermont-Ferrand: Universite Blaise-Pascal, 1995. 'Hilelismo' is derived from Hillel, a Jewish sage of Jerusalem (c. 30 B.C.-10 A.D.).
[79]Waringhien (1990), p. 66.
[80]The extremely revealing letter to Michaux, for example, appears only in corrupt form in EdE (pp. 579-82); cf. G. Waringhien, 'Enkonduko', in Maimon (1978), p. 9.
[81] Orig II 1439.
[82] Letter to Emile Javal, 24 Sept. 1905, Orig II 1601-2. The split between a particularist and uni- versal orientation constitutes a basic dilemma in Jewish culture: see S.N. Eisenstadt, Jewish Civilization: Thje Jewish Historical Experience in a Comparative Perspective, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992.
[83] Letter to Michaux, 5 Jan. 1905, Orig II 1420.
[84]Letter from Javal, 15 Oct. 1905, PVZX 197. As Javal also wrote, 'We needed admirable disci- pline to hide your origins from the public.'
[85] Letter to Javal, 25 Oct.1905, Orig II 1614.
[86] Orig II 1673-82.
[87]Orig II, p. 1695.
[88] Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 258; Forster (1982), p. 95.
[89]Orig II 1783. Zamenhof referred to pogroms in, among other places, Bialystok and the
Caucasus.
[90]Orig II 1787.
[91] Oficiala Gazeto Esperantista 1 (1908/09): 216-7; Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 287-8.
[92] He elaborated further on the role of the congresses in his speech in Cambridge (1907): Orig III 1928-34.
[93] Vortoj deprofesoro Th. Cart, Jaslo: Esperantista Vo^o, 1927, pp. 103, 107-8.
[94] Vitas Adomenas, 'Unua esperantisto en Litovio' [on A. Dambrauskas, see above, p. 17, note 60], Litova Stelo 1 (1991), 1: 17.
[95] Internacia Socia Revuo 1 (1907), 8/9: 24. See also the report presented to the congress (in Amsterdam): Emile Chapelier & Gassy Marin, Anarchists and the International Language Esperanto, London: Freedom Press, 1908.
[96] Muller & Benton (2006), pp. 48-55.
[97]Karolo Marks kaj Frederiko Engels, Manifesto de la Komunista Partio, trans. Arturo Baker, Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1908.
[98]J. Baudouin de Courtenay, 'Zur Kritik der kunstlichen Weltsprachen' (1907), reprinted in Reinhard Haupenthal (ed.), Plansprachen. Beitrage zurInterlinguistik, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1976, pp. 59-110 (quotation p. 105). In 1915 the Tsarist police briefly arrested Baudouin de Courtenay over a brochure in which he criticized the suppression of national minorities.
[99]Jirkov (1931), p. 30. On the Ido schism see Waringhien (1948), vol. 2, pp. 3-152; Waringhien (1980), pp. 149-64; Forster (1982), pp. 110-41; Gordin (2015), pp. 134-48.
[100]H. Hodler,'Kompreni kaj apliki', Esperanto 5 (1909), 53 (20 April): 1.
[101]H. Hodler, Esperantism, Geneva: Universala Esperantia Librejo, 1911, p. 9.
[102] Privat (1927/1982), vol. 2, p. 72.
[103] H. Hodler, 'La agado de U.E.A.', Esperanto 8 (1912): 242.
[104] H. Hodler, 'La socia signifo de U.E.A.', Esperanto 6 (1910), 78 (20 May): 1.
[105] See Garvia (2015), pp. 21-56.
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016 35
U. Lins, Dangerous Language — Esperanto under Hitler and Stalin, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-54917-4_2
[106] Letter to Zamenhof, 9 Dec. 1906, Waringhien (1948), vol. 1, p. 323. He added: 'we should not forget that the opponents of Esperanto are still many and influential, particularly in the upper levels of society'.
[107] J.B., 'Esperanto kaj internaciismo', Germana Esperantisto 3 (1906): 88—9.
[108]Ernst Kliemke, 'Kulturmalsagajoj. Glosoj al la mondlingva Movado', Germana Esperantisto 9 (1912), edition A, p. 162 (translated from Der Vortrupp, 1912, Sept.).
[109] Kurt Schubert, 'Deutsche Sprache und Esperanto', Das Deutschtum im Ausland, 1912: 648—52. On Ostwald's opinion see, for example, Wilhelm Ostwald, Die internationale Hilfssprache und das Esperanto, Berlin: Moller & Borel, 1907, pp. 16-17. Ostwald, Nobel laureate in 1909, initially supported Esperanto; in 1908 he went over to Ido.
[110] Berliner Beamten-Zeitschrift, 5 May 1911; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 8 (1911): 151.
"Schubert, p. 651.
[112] Schubert, p. 652.
[113] 22 February 1907; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 4 (1907): 42.
[114]Sautter, 'Noch einmal die deutsche Sprache und Esperanto', Das Deutschtum im Ausland, 1913:
758.
[115] Wartburgstimmen, 1913, Oct.; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, p. 164.
[116]Alfred Geiser in Das Deutschtum imAusland, 1912: 652-4 (quotation p. 654).
[117]Zimmermann (1915); Zimmermann & Muller-Holm (1923). The Union, founded in 1893, did not admit Jewish members; see Iris Hamel, Volkischer Verband und nationale Gewerkschaft. Die Politik des Deutschnationalen Handlungsgehilfenverbandes 1893—1933, Frankfurt a.M.: Europaische Verlagsanstalt, 1967.
[118]Zimmermann (1915), p. 3.
[119] 4 January 1913 and 15 January 1913; quoted in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A, pp. 19, 41.
[120] EdE,p. 191.
[121] 'Deutschtum, Esperanto und die Volksschule', Sachsische Schulzeitung81 (1915), 41: 606 -7. On Esperanto as a 'national shield' against the German tendency to glorify foreign cultures, see Emil Bausenwein, Was geht den Deutschen das Esperanto an? Haida: La Marto, 1913, p. 10.
[122] Friedrich Ellersiek, 'Staatsburger und Esperantisten', Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A,
pp. 18-19.
[123] Breiger, 'Ruckblick auf das Jahr 1913', Germana Esperantisto 11 (1914), editionA, p. 2.
[124]G.H. Gohl, Esperanto. EineKulturforderungundihreErfŭllung,Leipzig: Quelle&Meyer, 1914, p. 102.
[125]Editorial note in Germana Esperantisto 10 (1913), edition A,p. 171. See also Th. Rousseau, 'UEA kaj sovinismo', Esperanto 9 (1913): 267-8.
[126] V Bitner, 'Al laboro!', Espero (Saint Petersburg), 1908: 51.
[127] See the notice in Ruslanda Esperantisto 1 (1905): 102.
[128] Ĥvorostin (1972), p. 84.
[129] H.A. Luyken, Paulo Debenh^m, London: British Esperanto Association, 1911 (reprinted Saarbrucken: Iltis, 1990), p. 8; Hvorostin (1972), p. 85.