[837] Evgenii Bokarev, 'Iazykoznanie i marksizm', Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 7 (1929): 203-6.
[838] Drezen (1929), pp. 39-40.
[839] See Sheila Fitzpatrick, 'The "soft" line on culture and its enemies: Soviet cultural policy,
1922-1927', Slavic Reeview 33 (1974): 267-87.
[840]See the article collection Sheila Fitzpatrick (ed.), Cultural Revolution in Russia, 1928-1931, Bloomington & London: Indiana University Press, 1978.
[841] According to an SEU publication, this problem would be solved during the cultural revolution 'definitively and in line with the revolution'—'not by some decision of an authoritative body, but on the basis of the creative verve of the working masses themselves': Kiriushin (1930), p. 31.
[842] 'Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B.)' (27 June 1930), Stalin, Works, vol. 12, pp. 373-4, 380.
[843] According to an article by Stalin in March 1929, he was earlier obliged to reply to critics who pointed to contradictions between his 1925 speech and Lenin's concept. But this article was pub- lished only in 1949: 'The National Question and Leninism', Stalin, Works, vol. 11,p. 357.
[844] 'Reply to the Discussion on the Political Report [...]' (22 July 1930), Stalin, Works, vol. 13, p. 5.
[845]On this see Goodman (1970), p. 720. The article appeared earlier as a chapter in Elliot R. Goodman, Thje SovietDesignfor a World State, New York: Columbia University Press, 1960.
[846] At the time the information appeared that Stalin, in Bailov Prison in Baku, learned Esperanto. This was the assertion, in early 1928, of a Russian emigre who once shared a cell with Stalin: Sennaciulo 4 (1927/28): 244; Leon Trotsky, 'Joseph Stalin', Life 7 (1939), 14: 66-8, 70-3 (esp. p. 68); Leon Trotsky, Stalin: AnAppraisal ofthe Man and His Influence, New York & London: Harper, 1941, pp. 118-19, 125. According to his cellmate, Stalin saw Esperanto as the future language of the International. See also Simon Sebag Montefiore, Young Stalin, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2007, p. 174.
[847] See the present volume, p. 215-6.
[848] Dokumenty ukrains koho komunizmu, New York, 1962; translated extract in Hans-Joachim Lieber & Karl-Heinz Ruffmann (ed.), Der Sowjetkommunismus. Dokumente II, Cologne & Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1964, pp. 115-16.
[849] As of 1926 an Esperanto-language summary was published: La Vojo de Klerigo, covering the most important contributions to the monthly journal Shliakh osvity (Russian: Putprosveshcheniia), pub- lished by the Office of the Ukrainian People's Commissar for Education.
[850] Quoted by Roman Rosdolsky, 'Stalin und die Verschmelzung der Volker im Sozialismus', Archiv fŭr Sozialgeschichte 4 (1964): 268-76 (quotation p. 270). Three years later Postyshev led the cam- paign against Skrypnyk (see above, p. 274). He himself was killed in 1939.
[851]Stalin (1930).
[852]This clearly contradicts opinions that were popular among Soviet Esperantists at the time. For example, one of them emphasized in February 1930 that Esperanto 'will become the only world language' and that it 'is not an auxiliary but a natural language, that is, of the coming socialism': M. Krjukov, 'Kulturtaskoj', Sennaciulo 6 (1929/30): 226. While earlier, in connection with its conflict with SAT, SEU criticized the specific interpretation of sennaciismo articulated by Lanti, it now declared war on the whole concept.
[853]Drezen, 'Antauparolo', in Stalin (1930), pp. 8, 10.
[854] Spiridovich (1931).
[855] Spiridovich (1931), p. 4.
[856] Spiridovich, p. 9.
[857] Spiridovich, p. 13.
[858] Spiridovich, p. 43.
[859] Spiridovich, pp. 53 and following.
[860] Spiridovich, p. 57.
[861] Spiridovich, pp. 3, 81.
[862] See also E. Spiridovic, 'Genia lingvisto venkita de etburgeco. Fundamentaj momentoj en la lingva teorio de Zamenhof', La Nova Etapo 1 (1932): 23-31; republished in brochure form: Kyoto: l'omnibuso, 1976.
[863]Spiridovich (1931), pp. 67-8, 82.
[864] Spiridovich, p. 81.
[865] Spiridovich, p. 98.
[866] Spiridovich, p. 99.
[867] Also Loja, a Latvian like Drezen, was a longtime Esperantist. The significance of Iazykfront is summarized in Smith (1998), pp. 97-102.
[868] ' Obrashchenie gruppy "Iazykovednyi front"' (Declaration of the group 'Linguistics Front'), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 8 (1930): 177-8.
[869] Cf. Drezen's clarifications of SEU's theoretical work: Drezen (1931a); 'SESR na iazykovednom fronte' (SEU in the linguistics front), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 10 (1932): 291-4.
[870] Wolfgang Girke & Helmut Jachnow, Sowjetische Soziolinguistik. Probleme und Genese, Kronberg: Scriptor, 1974, p. 53.
[871] F.P. Filin, 'Der Kampf um eine marxistisch-leninistische Sprachwissenschaft und die Gruppe "Jazykfront"' (translated from Protiv burzhuaznoi kontrabandy v iazykoznanii, Leningrad: GAIMK, 1932), in Girke & Jachnow (1975), p. 43.
[872]Drezen (1931a), p. 250.
[873]Drezen (1991), pp. 335-6.
[874] Springer (1956), pp. 13, 31.
[875]This tendency was particularly evident among convinced SAT members. Lanti, even after the schism, expressed support for Stalins Russification policy; see Lanti (1940), p. 44.
[876] We lack detailed information on how the Esperantists in Ukraine related to their native lan- guage. We should note that in Ukraine Russian was widely spoken in the cities, while in the prov- inces use of Ukrainian dominated. Because the Esperantists were concentrated in the cities, they were probably not free of the customary prejudice that it was mostly the less educated people who preferred to speak Ukrainian. A Ukrainian Esperantist of this kind later attacked by Skrypnyk mentioned in a letter to Lanti (2 December 1927), that Krupskaia, Lenin's widow, publicly attacked sennaciismo and Esperanto and that 'Ukrainian nationalists' halted a series of lectures on Esperanto on the Kharkov radio station after there was talk of the formation of a worldwide culture and the dying off of national languages: E. Lanti, 'Manifesto de la sennaciistoj', reprinted in Mickle (2013), pp. 62-83 (esp. p. 71).
[877] 'Political Report of the Central Committee to the Sixteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U. (B.); June 27, 1930', Stalin, Works, vol. 12, p. 376.
[878] From the 1920s on, Sosiura's poems were popular in Ukraine.
[879] S. Sinitskii, 'Ukrainskie pisateli ob esperanto', Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 8 (1930): 266-8 (quota- tion p. 267).
[880] Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 8 (1930): 267; cf. R. Nikolskij, 'Cu Esperanto povas esti stata lingvo', Internaciisto, 1931, 27/28 (Nov.): 224.
[881] Duc Goninaz (1993), p. 2.
[882] EeP, p. 418-19. See also Michel Duc Goninaz, Lingvoj, gentoj kaj lingvapolitiko, Liege: Someraj Universitataj Kursoj, 1974, pp. 30-1.
[883] S.P. Sinitskii, 'Pis'mo v redaktsiiu' (Letter to the editor), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk 9 (1931): 124-5.
[884] 'Priznat', a ne uglubliat' oshibku' (To confess, but not make the error deeper), Mezhdunarodnyi
iazyk 9 (1931): 125-8.
[885] S. Sinitskii & V. Sosiura, 'Priznaem svoi oshibku' (We confess our error), Mezhdunarodnyi iazyk
9 (1931): 252-3.
[886] In 1930 the linguist (and Esperantist) Lev Zhirkov made an unusually open judgement: '[... the] Russian language—the language of the revolution—can in no way become international, sim- ply because its grammatical structure is too complicated and contains highly archaic characteris-