Glancing at Fouche, Talleyrand asked, 'Monsieur le Ministre, are you of the opinion that we should now proceed?'
Fouche never looked anyone directly in the face. His eyes were downcast, but his voice firm, as he replied, 'Yes, Your Highness. There can hardly occur a better opportunity to bring him down.'
Talleyrand turned his heavily-lidded eyes on Roger, and said, 'For some time past I have been in secret communication with Prince Metternich. Although still comparatively young, he has the makings of a diplomat of the highest order. As you must know, for many months past Austria has been re-arming with a view to taking revenge on the Emperor for the humiliations he has put upon her. The Archduke Charles is urging restraint and is averse to his country again challenging Napoleon until the early summer. But the Prime Minister, Count Stadion, and Prince Metternich favour prompt action, to take advantage of the Emperor's involvement in Spain. Should that be only temporary, Austria would be better advised to wait until her new levies are fully trained. If, on the other hand, the Emperor is compelled to retain a great army in the Peninsula for many months to come, Austria has no need to fear the reappearance of those legions on her frontier; so the sooner she acts, the better.'
'There is also the situation in Prussia,' Fouche put in. 'The impassioned discourses of Fichte and others have led to the formation of a patriotic association, known as the Tugenbund, pledged to throw off French domination. Then there is the matter of Stein. Early in December, while in Madrid, the Emperor sent King Frederick William what amounted to an order. It read, "The man Stein is a troublemaker. I require you to dismiss him from your service and confiscate his lands." The craven King did as he was bade. This persecution of a leading patriot has inflamed the nation to fever-pitch. My agents report from all quarters there that the people are declaring that Prussia should follow the example of Spain, rise in its wrath and destroy the French garrisons. If Austria acts promptly, there is a good chance that this present wave of hatred may cause the Prussians to take up arms. But if Austria delays for several months, it will die down.'
Finishing his wine, Talleyrand set down his glass. 'With the prospect that the Spanish will continue to occupy a great French army in the Peninsula, and the possibility that the Prussians will rise, thereby detaining further large French forces in the north, the army that the Emperor could bring against Austria would be outnumbered. Given a victorious campaign by the Austrians, Napoleon's power will be shattered. I feel that there could be no better time to strike. What is your view. Messieurs ?'
Both Fouche and Roger nodded their agreement.
Smiling, Talleyrand said, 'The die is cast then. I will communicate with Metternich tomorrow, and tell him to urge upon the Emperor Francis that the time has come to liberate Europe from the thraldom it has suffered all too long.'
The Gathering Clouds
Later, Roger learned from various sources of the decisions taken in Vienna as a result of Talleyrand's communication to Metternich, coupled with the Austrian's own assessment of the anti-French feeling now greatly on the increase throughout Europe.
On February 8th war was decided upon, although no open declaration of war was to be made. Obviously, Austria's chances of victory would be greatly strengthened if she could form a Fourth Coalition.
Strenuous efforts were made to induce Prussia to avenge herself on Napoleon. Her Ambassador in Vienna, von der Goltz, put forward the proposal that his country should contribute eighty thousand men to an Allied army. Scharnhorst, Gneisenau, and other members of the war party persuaded Frederick William to agree; but later, from fear of Russia, the spineless King went back on his promise.
Count Starhemberg was despatched to London, but found the British about to commit their best troops to the Peninsula. Canning could do no more than send a subsidy of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds in silver bars to Trieste and promise that, as soon as more troops became available, he would use them to create a diversion in the Low Countries.
Austria would, therefore, have to fight alone. However, she had one consolation. At Erfurt, Alexander had promised Napoleon that, should Austria start hostilities while he was occupied in Spain, Russia would intervene. But the Czar was still fully occupied with wresting Finland from Sweden; and, now that he had cooled towards the French, that provided a good excuse for not going to their aid. He had indicated to
Count Schwarzenberg that, should he have to keep his word, only a token force would be sent.
The French army was believed to number eight hundred thousand men. But three hundred thousand of them were now in Spain, two hundred thousand in France and sixty thousand in Italy. It was estimated that not more than two hundred and thirty thousand were in Germany and Poland, whereas Austria could put into the field two hundred and eighty-three thousand regulars and a further three hundred and ten thousand partially-trained militia. Moreover, Napoleon's army was very far from being the magnificent Grand Army that had threatened England with invasion in 1805. More than half of it now consisted of Rhinelanders, Dutch, Danes and Poles; while the French units contained a very high proportion of young conscripts called up a year, and even two years, before they would normally have been liable to serve.
On February 25th, Austria began her strategic concentrations. The Archduke Charles, unquestionably their best General, was to command the main army and endeavour to defeat the French army in Germany, which was commanded by Marshal Davoust. A second army, under the command of the Archduke John, was to strike down into Italy with the object of regaining the Tyrolese and Venetian lands, which had been reft from Austria after her last defeat. A third army, under the Archduke Ferdinand, was to invade the Grand Duchy of Warsaw.
Unfortunately for the Austrians, in spite of the reforms introduced by the Archduke Charles, their military machinery was still slow and cumbersome. It was not until early April that they were ready to strike, and the Archduke issued his proclamation:
'The freedom of Europe has sought refuge beneath our banners. Soldiers, your victories will break her chains. Your German brothers, who are now in the ranks of the enemy, wait for their deliverance.'
This eloquent appeal met with an enthusiastic response. Between them, Stadion and the Archduke had abolished a good part of the hidebound bureaucracy, and ousted the inefficient
Generals who had previously held commands only owing to their noble lineage, or through Court favour. Now, the troops had been given similar opportunities to those Napoleon had held out to the French, when he had declared, 'Every private carries in his knapsack a Marshal's baton.'
Moreover, as in the case of Spain, Catholic Austria was indignant at Napoleon's treatment of the Pope, in having the previous year annexed a large part of His Holiness' States of the Church.
Towards the end of March, Austria's concentrations were complete and the war opened well for her. On April 9th, the Archduke John invaded Italy and on the 16th defeated a Franco-Italian army under Eugene de Beauharnais. Meanwhile, he had despatched General Chasder with ten thousand men into the Tyrol against the Bavarians who, as Napoleon's allies, had received that territory as part of the spoils of victory by the Peace of Pressburg.
The deeply religious Tyrolese were eager both to avenge the insults to the Pope and again to become Austrian subjects. In their villages these hardy mountaineers rose almost to a man, armed themselves and began to attack the Bavarian garrisons. In four days, the Bavarians had been driven out of all northern Tyrol, and the Austrian flag again flew over Innsbruck.