It all came down to one experience that occurred before her time. In 1968, when a majority of Americans voted for Richard Nixon, they also voted for his choice as vice president, Spiro Agnew. The majority of the country didn’t want Democrat George McGovern. They got Republicans Nixon and Agnew. Agnew eventually resigned. Nixon chose Ford to replace him. When Nixon resigned, Ford chose Nelson Rockefeller as his vice president. The term that started out with the election of Nixon-Agnew ended with the unelected Ford-Rockefeller.
This was consistent with the will of the people. But what if something catastrophic happened to the new president and vice president? The Speaker of the House would have become president. Speaker of the House Carl Albert was a Democrat.
The will of the people? Kessler asked herself again. Presidential succession, no matter what form it takes, should reflect the will of the people.
To shape her arguments she needed counsel from the other man she’d grown to respect over the past year — Supreme Court Chief Justice Leopold Browning.
Komari called himself commander. It wasn’t an official rank in anyone’s army except his own. He established his own rules of discipline and loyalty. He presided over the most undemocratic of court martials, and punishment always came swiftly. In Komari’s world, there was no imprisonment.
Umar Komari’s force grew by the day. Although the Indonesian government had heard rumblings of his activities, they didn’t consider the insurgent, who confined his operation to the remote islands, a real threat. Anti-Christian sentiment continued to grow, but the occasional report of violence attributed to Komari was far less important to the TNI than maintaining order in Jakarta. That was a mistake.
Komari hadn’t begun wholesale slaughter of the hated Christians, but his nightly raids were striking fear in the small fishing villages of the Malukus. He killed, stole, and recruited Muslim conscripts, and rewarded them with some of the spoils. His drug production increased, as he knew it would, and his weapons cache expanded. So the would-be commander actually had a command. Soon he would be addressed by a new title. He repeated it in his mind.
President.
Morgan Taylor listened to the Indonesian leader’s remarks, showing only a blank stare. Since Taylor took office, he’d expressed his disappointment numerous times about Indonesia’s inability to drive terrorists out. Now he was worried that the country was becoming a training ground from which terrorism was being exported. However, nine minutes into the speech, the Indonesian president claimed his government had addressed the problem.
“Terrorists will find no sanctuary in my country. As we gather under the umbrella of freedom, our military carries on a vigilant search for the last remnants of Jemaah Islamiyyah. We have dealt deadly blows to the rebels. According to the reports I read, we are more safe today than in previous years. I am encouraged by our progress, as you should be.” He continued to spout platitudes for another two minutes, then concluded with a request for substantially more aid.
“The chair thanks you for your comments,” said Prime Minister Foss, “and now recognizes the representative from the United States of America, President Morgan Taylor.”
“Thank you, Prime Minister Foss.” Taylor turned over his prepared remarks. For a protracted moment, he was back at the town hall meeting at Verona Area High School. What can we do? That was the overriding question he heard that night. He read the same concern on many of the faces in the room now — at least those who weren’t posturing for the sake of the summit.
Morgan Taylor didn’t have the answer for the Verona bus driver who asked, “What’s America doing to stop them?” The same was true when the Dane County, Wisconsin, law clerk explained that her oldest son had been killed by a suicide bomber in Baghdad, and now she was afraid for her youngest who just enlisted. Tell me what you’re going to do to protect my son.
He moved onto other issues during the town hall meeting in the gym, but personally, he never moved off the question. He was going to answer it today.
“With all due respect to the remarks of President Ramelan Djali, the Indonesian leader must recognize that we are his partner in the defense of his country. Is that true, sir?”
He got an affirmative nod.
“And as such, we share intelligence.”
Another yes.
“Then I think we are in a perfect position to assess that things are not better!”
Taylor stepped on the gasps. “Sir, there’s nothing to indicate that you’re striking deadly blows. The opposite is true. The United States provides you with weekly, sometimes daily intelligence. You have done little with it. And, sadly, we have done little to encourage you.” Now he broadened his argument. “The same can be said of almost every nation at this table, save Australia which recently struck back in the Solomons. Who else can honestly say they have gone after the terrorists in a manner that would benefit peace?” He looked at every leader at the table. Some averted their eyes.
Taylor reached behind him. On cue, Secretary of State Poole handed him a folder. “Let me share a number of reports compiled by the intelligence services of the United States government. Some of these will be familiar to President Djali. They paint a very different picture than the one presented here today. Since he didn’t share them with you, I will.”
The Indonesian was offended. He tried to speak, but Taylor overpowered him. “Mr. President, I’m sure everyone will want to hear from you again. But if you please…” He opened the file and slid a dozen photos across the table in different directions.
“These satellite photos show terrorist encampments in twenty-three locations. They were taken as long ago as last November and as recently as last week. Each has one or more areas circled in red. Inside those circles are training camps and weapons stores. Mr. Djali’s island country is the perfect setting for playing hide and seek. The same can be said for areas of the Solomons and Malaysia, Pakistan, India, of course, Afghanistan, Thailand, and even Japan. I have satellite photographs of your countries as well.” Poole disseminated them. “They’re not good.”
Taylor noted the shock in the room as the men and women sorted through the photographs of their countries up-to-date photos that revealed operational terrorist camps.
“Mr. Chairman, I’m not here to undermine the good intentions of a respected ally,” he said returning to the topic of Indonesia. “However, American lives have been lost in bombings in Mr. Djaili’s country.
Recent activity makes it undeniably apparent that Indonesia is on the verge of a religious holy war, a jihad against Christian nationals and westerners. It is supported by al-Qaeda funds and the sale of drugs, and it is hardly acknowledged because of corruption within lower levels of Mr. Djali’s government.
“I suggest that if we’re to claim any victory, it’s time to — as we say — come clean.” Everyone seemed to get the meaning. “Put away your speeches. There are no reporters here. So no more grandstanding. Stop your posturing. We’re here to fight these bastards at the root level — with arms, troops, intelligence, and yes, Mr. Djali, what you also need, hard cash.”
“Your insinuations are the height of insult,” Djali finally managed. He turned to Prime Minister Foss, “I will not stand for this.”
Foss didn’t have a chance to respond; Taylor jumped right back into the debate.
“Mr. President, they are not insinuations and I haven’t intended to insult you, only correct you. But your comment reminds me of President Truman’s meeting in 1945 with Russian’s foreign minister, Vyacheslav Molotov.” He removed his reading glasses and stared at his Indonesian counterpart. “Molotov came to the White House to discuss the future of Poland. Truman believed the Russians were reneging on what Roosevelt and Stalin had agreed upon four months earlier. Russia was imposing communism on Poland. Truman had been warned by Henry Stimson, his Secretary of War, to be careful dealing with the Soviets. Truman dismissed Stimson’s advice and told Molotov that the Russians were not true to their word. ‘We are!’ demanded Molotov. Truman then explained to him, in words of one syllable, exactly why they were not. Molotov argued, as you have, Mr. President, ‘I have never been talked to like that in my life.’ Do you know how Truman responded?”