The greatest weapon the Yishuv had was truth. It was the truth that the neutral UNSCOP had found in1 Palestine: the truth that Palestine was a tyranny-ridden police state; the truth, seen through the thin veil of Arab deception, of the Arab failure to advance culturally, economically, and socially from the Dark Ages; the truth apparent in the Jewish cities that had sprung from sand and the Jewish fields that had been made to grow from desolation; the truth of industry and ingenuity; the truth-implicit in the DP camps-of the humanity of the Jewish case.
Granados of Guatemala, Lester Pearson of Canada, Evatt of Australia, Masaryk of Czechoslovakia, Smuts of South Africa, Fabregat of Uruguay, and a lot of little men from little nations would not let the truth die at Flushing Meadow.
Finally, in November of that autumn of 1947, “The Miracle of Lake Success” began to unfold.
First came a cautiously worded statement from the United States in favor of the “principle” of partition.
Then came a move that rocked the world. After outlawing Zionism for over two decades, the Soviet Union made one of its startling reversals and announced itself as favoring partition. The news was released after a secret caucus of the Slav bloc; Vishinsky orated in impassioned tones of the rivers of Jewish blood shed and the justice of a Jewish homeland.
Behind this humanitarian mask the Russians had made a shrewd political maneuver. First, they openly mistrusted the Arabs. They realized that the Arab anger was merely a verbal expedient; Russia could vote for partition today and buy the Arabs back tomorrow. Meanwhile the Soviet strategy was to brand Great Britain a tyrant, at the same time making a move that could possibly lead to a Russian foothold in the Middle East. Russia knew that if she voted for partition the United States had to follow suit or lose face around the world as a friend of justice. This in turn meant a break in Anglo-American solidarity. Finally, the Soviet Union stood to gain tremendous prestige value from its “humanitarian” proclamation. And so, inadvertently, the Yishuv suddenly found a strange bedfellow.
As the two great powers made their carefully worded statements for partition, the halls of the United Nations were filled with rumors that cropped up every hour.
The mammoth chess game went on. In the dramatic maneuverings Granados and Pearson became key figures. After
much labor these two succeeded in the momentous achievement of closeting the United States and the Soviet Union in a meeting. They emerged from their conference with an electrifying joint statement of definite support of partition.
The Arabs girded for a last-ditch fight to keep the partition resolution from reaching the floor of the General Assembly. Soon it became apparent that a test vote would take place: to get the resolution to the General Assembly only a majority vote was needed, but this vote would indicate the strength of both sides. The vote came and the move passed and the resolution went to the General Assembly-but the roof caved in on the Yishuv. The count was twenty-five in favor, thirteen against, and seventeen abstentions, with two absent. If the same line-up held on the final vote for partition, the Yishuv would not get its needed two thirds majority. France, Belgium, Luxembourg, The Netherlands, and New Zealand had abstained. Paraguay and the Philippines were absent.
The Arabs saw that many “sure” partition votes had abandoned the Yishuv, and the Jews did not have the required number. Confident that they could bag an extra vote or two, the Arabs now switched tactics and pressed for the showdown on the assembly floor.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1947
The final debates raged. The Yishuv delegation sat in its special section of the General Assembly looking like men prepared for the executioner. The jolt of the test vote had shaken them to the core. As the arguments continued, their prospects turned darker by the hour.
Greece, expected to abstain out of friendship to the United States, declared openly against partition, fearing what the Egyptians would do to their nationals.
The Philippines, expected to follow the United States, reversed again.
Haiti was suddenly without instructions. Liberia went back on the fence and Siam crossed back to the Arabs.
It was “Black Wednesday” for the Jews.
As the day wore on, the friends of the Yishuv employed a desperation move to talk the clock out and stall the vote. The next day would be American Thanksgiving Day and a holiday. It offered twenty-four precious hours to muster the needed votes. The filibuster went on until an adjournment was called.
The Yishuv delegation assembled quickly in a caucus room. Everyone spoke at once.
“Quiet!” Barak roared. “We have twenty-four hours. Let’s not panic.”
Dr. Weizmann came into the room excitedly. “I have received a message from Paris that Leon Blum is personally interceding to get the French vote. Feeling for partition is running very high in Paris.” It was cheering news, for the former Jewish premier of France was still a powerful voice.
“Can’t we appeal to the United States to get Greece and the Philippines into line?”
The delegate who worked with the Americans shook his head. “Truman has issued absolute orders that the United States is not to pressure any delegation. They won’t budge from that position.”
“What a time to become honorable.”
The phone rang. Weizmann lifted the receiver. “Good … good,” he said. He held his hand over the mouthpiece. “Shmuel from downtown. Good … good … Shalom.” He replaced the phone. “The Ethiopians have agreed to abstain,” he announced. Ethiopia, under pressure from her neighbor Egypt, had been expected to vote against partition. The abstention decision showed great courage on the part of Haile Selassie.
A newspaperman close to the Yishuv delegation knocked on the door and entered. “I thought you fellows would like to know that there has been a revolution in Siam and the Siamese delegate has been discredited.” A yell of happiness went up at this Arab loss of another vote.
Barak made a quick run down of the roll call of nations-he knew it by heart-and calculated the vote shifts.
“How does it look, Barak?”
“Well, if Haiti and Liberia go with us and France comes in and we don’t lose any more ground, we may just squeeze through.”
It was still too close for comfort. Grimly and tensely they talked over the final assignments. They could not afford to lose a single vote at this stage.
There was a knock on the door and their champion, Granados of Guatemala, entered. There were tears in his eyes.
“The President of Chile has just sent personal instructions for his delegation to abstain. The delegation has resigned in protest.”
“Impossible!” Dr. Weizmann cried. “The President is the honorary chairman of the Chilean Zionists.”
The stark reality, the naked hopelessness of the situation crashed down on all of them. Who knew what pressure had been brought to bear on the President of Chile? Who knew where the screws would be turned in the next twenty-four hours?
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 29, 1947
The gavel rapped. The General Assembly of the United Nations was ordered into session.
‘We shall have a roll call of nations on the partition resolution. A two thirds majority is needed for passage. Delegates will answer in one of three ways; for, against, or abstain.”
A solemn quiet fell over the great hall.
“Afghanistan.”
“Afghanistan votes against.”
The Yishuv had lost the first vote. Barak marked it on a pad.
“Argentina.”
“The government of Argentina wishes to abstain.”
“We have to cut the abstentions down,” Barak whispered; “they could kill us.”
“Australia.”
Everyone leaned forward as Evatt got to his feet with the first vote of a British Commonwealth nation.
“Australia votes in favor of partition,” Evatt said.