“But the White House would insist on closed-door hearings,” Secretary of Defense Chastain interjected. “All records would be placed in the highest classification level possible.”
“Given the current events concerning China,” Secretary of State Hartman added, “we think that’s the most prudent avenue to take.”
“Fine — I agree,” Finegold said. “Then you agree to cooperate in committee hearings?”
“I might remind the President that the Pentagon’s security review on the events in the Persian Gulf hasn’t even been completed yet,” National Security Advisor Freeman said. “We don’t even really know to what extent everything is classified yet. Our review could take several months.” “I see,” Senator Finegold repeated stiffly. This was the face of the opposition, she thought — this White House was tough, experienced, and well organized under Kevin Martindale. It might take several months for hearings to begin if these political pros put on a full-court press to postpone them.
But the unwritten “three-month honeymoon” period after the inauguration was now over, and the Martindale administration was fair game to any inquiries she could concoct. “Well, I’ll see to it that the SASC gets together with you and the Pentagon folks in drawing up a list of witnesses and agreeing on a format,” Finegold said. “I’m counting on your full cooperation.” The President nodded stiffly and gave her a cocky smile. It was obvious to Senator Finegold that the entire Cabinet had given the idea of Senate hearings very careful thought and had already begun to arrange its ground rules, all of which would be designed so the White House and Pentagon would reveal as little hard information as possible.
“The other matter I wanted to mention to you, Mr. President,” Fine- gold said, leaning forward and interlacing her long fingers on the table, “was your proposal to repeal the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, which would allow for full diplomatic recognition of Taiwan. Did you think it was wise to announce this proposal to the entire world before consulting with Congress? To my knowledge, you didn’t even consult with leaders in your own party before announcing your intention to support Taiwan’s independence from mainland China and to allow an exchange of ambassadors.”
“Is there a problem?” the President asked. “Don’t you feel we should support Taiwan’s independence efforts?”
Finegold looked angry. “Frankly, Mr. President, I hadn’t thought about it,” she said testily, “just as I haven’t considered what the proper response might be in Northern Ireland, or Cyprus, or dozens of conflicts anywhere else. The point is, we should be deciding these questions together. It would help the ratification process tremendously if the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the leadership knew what you have in mind before announcing it to the world.”
“My hand was forced by Taiwan’s abrupt vote for independence— they chose not to consult with us, or anyone else for that matter,” the President said. “I felt it was necessary to make a decision and take a stand quickly, before China decided it needed to give its errant province a spanking. I will be sure to consult with you closely the next time.”
“The world still considers Taiwan a province of China, Mr. President,” Finegold said. “We’ve isolated ourselves and put ourselves on a collision course with mainland China by recognizing the Republic of China.”
“Do you think it’s nothing but a rogue republic, Senator?” the President asked. Finegold shook her head in exasperation, and the President went on, “The question is important, Barbara. Read your history books. The Nationalists were our allies in World War Two, every bit as important in establishing a ‘second front’ in Asia as Britain and France were in Europe. Because of a Communist-sparked civil war, our allies were pushed off the mainland and onto a rock in the Pacific Ocean. They’ve endured artillery bombardment, constant military threats, global loss of diplomatic recognition, and economic isolation. Today, they’re one of the richest industrial democracies in the world, and they still count the United States as a friend and ally despite what we’ve done to them over the past thirty years.
“Now they’ve taken a major step in deciding their fate as a nation by rejecting their Communist overlords and declaring independence, and they’ve asked for our support. I proudly gave it to them. I took a stand. Now you have to do so as well.”
“The Congress has got to look at the overall effect on our economy and the military threat,” Finegold argued, “before we vote to repeal the Taiwan Relations Act or ratify your recognition of an independent Taiwan.”
“The net effect of the President’s declaration is zero, Senator,” Secretary of State Hartman said. “China might decide to retaliate by imposing strict tariffs or even banning our goods, but we feel that China cannot long continue such a measure. They need our markets just as much as we need their investments.”
“So you tell American companies to be still and patient while they suffer because we’ve turned away thirty billion dollars’ worth of markets in China in favor of three billion dollars’ worth in Taiwan, all because we like supporting the underdog?” Joseph Crane asked. “If you had consulted with Congress instead of charging off, we would’ve advised further negotiations to help bring the two Chinas back together gently and peacefully, rather than rip them apart suddenly.”
“Mr. Crane, Taiwan has been looking down the barrel of a Chinese artillery piece for the past forty years,” Secretary of Defense Chastain argued. “China isn’t interested in gentle reunification — they’re insisting on total absorption, by force if necessary.”
“China is ready to completely ‘absorb’ Hong Kong,” Crane retorted, “and the process is going along smoothly and peacefully.”
“Apples and oranges, Mr. Crane,” Hartman said. “Hong Kong is Chinese property leased by Great Britain, and the lease is simply expiring. The Republic of China on Formosa represents a free and democratic society that we’ve supported for nearly one hundred years, a society and government that is one of the richest and fastest-growing economies in the world, modeled after our own. Its being threatened by a totalitarian Communist power that wishes nothing less than to eliminate it — not assimilation, not sharing, not coexistence, but complete elimination of its democratic, capitalist foundation. The President has chosen to act to support this Asian friend and ally. The question is, what is the Senate leadership going to do — support the President, or cut his legs out from under him?”
“You’ve put us in a very embarrassing position, Mr. President,” Fine- gold said, addressing Martindale directly. “You are the leader in all foreign relations and matters of state. But those decisions affect the country, and so Congress is given powers of checks and balances over your decisions, in the form of ratifying treaties and passing laws. This relationship expects — no, demands—cooperation and compromise from all parties concerned. Your unilateral announcement of support cuts our legs out from under us. We should support our president, but what if his decision is the wrong one? We can’t absolve ourselves of the blame if our own citizens are hurt by our decisions; we can’t point fingers at the President. At the very least, Mr. President, you’ve forced us to delay any action on repealing the Taiwan Relations Act or recognizing the ROC until we’ve had a chance to study the idea.”