“Mr. President, I must convey the thoughts of many in my party concerning American military activities recently,” Nagai interjected, his voice much sterner now. “It appears that you are very quick to initiate military actions, especially covert, stealthy actions, versus negotiations and consultations with your allies. Many members of my government, including members of all political parties, have expressed outrage over your activities. First, you attacked Iran without consultations and without a declaration of war; now you are embroiled in a conflict with China. In neither case were any of your friends or allies notified or consulted.”
“All I can say now, Mr. Prime Minister,” Martindale said, “is that my actions were necessary and vital to protect our national security interests. Your government was notified of our plans to initiate military action against Iran because of its attacks on Persian Gulf states — I’m sorry, but I did not feel it necessary to explain our plans in detail at the time. The important thing was that a wider conflict was avoided and peace was restored.”
“Restored? Not when oil has nearly doubled in price over the past four months; not when oil shipments to Japan have been cut by almost ten percent!” Nagai argued hotly.
“If Iran had been successful in closing off the Persian Gulf and destroying the oil-producing capabilities of the Persian Gulf coast states, what do you think you’d be paying for whatever oil you got from there, Mr. Nagai?”
“My government is also outraged over your decision to support the independence of Chinese Taipei,” Nagai said, rapidly switching to a different topic. “That was an ill-advised thing to do, Mr. President. Declaring your support for a rebel Chinese province, one that is in conflict with many of your Asian allies, including Japan, was a very unwise course of action.”
“Again, Mr. Prime Minister, I thought it was‘best to act quickly in the best interests of our national security,” Martindale said. “Taiwan’s declaration of independence was a total surprise to me, as was China’s swift action to form a naval carrier task force to threaten or destroy Taiwan or its territories.”
“Your decision to take Chinese Taipei’s side,” Nagai said, again using the term “Chinese Taipei” instead of “Taiwan” or “the Republic of China”—that usage spoke volumes about the depth of Japan’s resentment toward Taiwan—“has inflamed the anger of many in my country and my government. They feel America no longer supports Japan’s vital national interests. It would be difficult for my country to support America’s vital interests in Asia if you no longer support ours.”
“What are you saying, Mr. Prime Minister?” the President asked. “America will always be a strong and loyal ally of Japan.”
“I am conveying a warning to you, Mr. President, that America could be made to feel most unwelcome at its bases located on Japanese soil if it is ever perceived that Japan’s national interests are not being served,” Nagai said in carefully measured words.
“You’re threatening American bases in Japan if we continue to support the Republic of China or defend it against mainland China?” Martindale said, trying hard not to get angry or excited. “Is that what you’re telling me, Mr. Prime Minister?”
“China is a valuable trading partner with Japan — we have put aside our historical differences in favor of growth and prosperity for the future,” Nagai responded. “Any actions, either against China or on behalf of Chinese Taipei, that might provoke further economic or military retaliation against Japan would be considered a hostile act against us. The people of Japan would become infuriated if it was learned that American warplanes or warships staging out of bases in Japan were responsible for an economic, political, diplomatic, or military calamity befalling Japan. In such a case, for example, access to those bases might be restricted to the supply of fuel and provisions only, not the supply of weapons.”
“You’re saying that if we continue our actions, Japan will prohibit American military forces from on-loading weapons for our ships and planes? That’s what I’m hearing from you, Mr. Prime Minister.”
“That is all I have to say on the subject, Mr. President. I hope that we, your true friends in Asia, are consulted before any other situations arise. What will your response be to the attack on your warships, Mr. President?”
“We will be sending the aircraft carrier Independence and its escorts from Yokosuka to the Formosa Strait to assist in recovery efforts.”
“The aircraft carrier? Do you think that is wise, Mr. President?” Nagai asked, with a tone of voice that revealed his obvious displeasure at the news. “It will be considered a threatening act against China, a retaliatory action.”
“We have a right and a duty to protect our vessels on the high seas, Mr. Prime Minister,” Martindale said. “The frigates were attacked by Chinese fighters and attack planes, including bombers.”
“Obviously reacting to the attack on their passenger ferry — a purely defensive move,” Nagai interjected. “Sending your aircraft carrier now will only be considered a hostile act and a serious escalation of hostilities. May I suggest sending a support or rescue ship that does not have a strike capability? It will take your carrier several days to travel to the scene of the incident — other vessels can be dispatched much quicker.” “We will send whatever vessels or equipment we feel necessary to save lives and preserve our property and rights of travel on the high seas,” the President said flatly. “If it takes a carrier, we’ll send one — or two, or three if necessary. But we will not be chased out of any international waterways.”
“That, sir, sounds like the words of an angry and desperate man,” Nagai said bitterly. “Again, you flaunt your military power without regard to whom it might affect. Sir, with all due respect, I suggest you leave the Independence in port and assist your stricken warships by some other means. Japan will be pleased to assist you — we have salvage ships powerful enough to take your frigate in tow and keep it afloat, and we can provide them to you immediately. We even know that Chinese Taipei has salvage and rescue ships that can assist, and they can be on the scene within hours instead of days. But sending in the carrier Independence will only be seen as a hostile act, perhaps even an act of war. My government cannot support such a decision.”
“I’m sorry we can’t count on your support, Mr. Prime Minister,” the President said. “But we will do whatever we feel is right and necessary.”
“Can you at least assure me that you will not consider retaliatory or preemptive military actions against the People’s Republic of China? ”
“It never was my intention to initiate any offensive military actions against China, sir,” Martindale responded. “All of the events in the past two weeks have occurred because of China’s aggressive actions against the Republic of China and against America. Our moves have been in reaction to Chinese threats and intimidation. If it becomes necessary to act, we will. But I am not sending any warships into the Formosa Strait to intimidate, aggravate, threaten, or attack anyone. The carrier Independence will assist in recovery efforts only, and we will not seek retaliation. We will attack only if we come under attack.”
“I hope not, Mr. President — I hope not,” Nagai said. “I have one last question, Mr. President.”
“What’s that?”
“Sir, we have been notified by our intelligence services that you have convened your Strategic Command’s Combined Task Forces battle staff,” Nagai said. The President’s jaw dropped open in absolute surprise. “We know that this battle staff is convened to organize and equip your country’s strategic nuclear forces.”