“You may want to consider a line acknowledging our culpability in the escalation of this conflict, sir,” Hale said. “We can’t kill a hundred civilians and then say, ‘Everyone, back off or else.’ ”
“I don’t want it to look like I’m the one that started it all, either, Jerrod.”
“I’d consider mentioning the call from Ambassador Hou, the pledge of cooperation, and your pledge to remove all armed patrol aircraft from the region,” Hale said. “You’re going to come under tough scrutiny anyway — now’s not the time to be evasive.”
“You’re right. Let’s set up a press conference for tomorrow morning.” The President turned to Robert Plank and asked, “What’s China’s military up to these days, Bob? They’ve been pretty quiet over the past few weeks, haven’t they?”
“Quiet, except of course for this carrier group that they claim just got attacked by Taiwan,” Plank replied. “It’s incredible to me how much the balance of power shifts when that carrier relocates — it’s the biggest warship and most powerful battle group in the South China Sea region. Its escorts are considered third-rate, but the carrier group represents a significant threat to the entire region. The South China Sea belongs to China now.”
“I think that’s a little premature, Bob,” Freeman interjected. Director of Central Intelligence Robert Plank was another one of President Martindale’s political supporters, a partner in a prestigious Atlanta law firm before cochairing the President’s election committee and running the campaign in the strategically important southeastern states. Plank knew little about politics and nothing about running an intelligence bureau. To his credit, he knew people, he knew international law, and he knew how to manage a team and manage a crisis. But in Philip Freeman’s eyes, Plank was pretty much disengaged from the everyday business of the intelligence game and really put his skills to work only in tight situations.
“The Agency has their best team on the case,” Plank said to the President, ignoring Freeman. “I can have someone brief you on China’s specific military standing.”
“What’s China’s next move, Bob?” the President asked.
“I think they’ll sit and wait, hope this blows over, keep the pressure on Taiwan and us, and see what we’ll do about it,” Plank replied. “I see no reason whatsoever to get excited over yet another shoving match between the two Chinas.”
“This is not a damned ‘shoving match,’ Bob — the Chinese brought nukes into the region and used them against Quemoy!” Freeman retorted.
“I think there’s a power play going on in the Central Military Commission, and the nukes were not Jiang’s idea,” Plank said earnestly. “The dispersal of the Chinese carrier battle force, after spending so much time and money in assembling it, is proof that whoever came up with the nuke idea has been discredited. It would be a mistake, in my estimation, to escalate this thing any further by any overt actions on our part. We should definitely exclude the modified B-52 things from the area. B-52s have always had a very negative connotation — as in ‘doomsday,’ as in ‘global thermonuclear war.’ ”
“I agree,” Balboa interjected. “Things have been messed up pretty good with the Megafortress fiasco. But we need a presence in the Strait— we needed it two weeks ago, but now we need it more than ever. The Independence is fired up and ready to depart Yokosuka — I suggest we let it head down the Strait to assist the Duncan and ]ames Daniel. It was supposed to be in Hong Kong for Reunification Day ceremonies, but I don’t think that’s a good idea now, for obvious reasons. The Vice President was supposed to be in Hong Kong for Reunification Day — is she still planning on attending the carrier rendezvous?”
“As far as I’m aware, she’s still on,” the President said. He turned to his national security advisor. “Phil? You agree with the plan to send the carrier into the Strait now?”
Freeman hesitated — which angered Balboa, although he kept silent. Finally: “Sir, the only problem in this whole thing is that I feel we’re being led around by the nose by the PRC,” Freeman said. “I smell a setup. Perhaps we should wait until Director Plank has a chance to investigate the incidents further before we send Independence into the area.”
“Always gotta be the odd man out, don’t you, General? ” Balboa asked with undisguised exasperation. “With all due respect, General, I think it’s you that’s being led around by the nose — not by the PRC, but by Elliott, McLanahan, and Samson. We gave them a shot, and they couldn’t come through, thanks to Elliott. If things get really hairy for the Independence, we can triple-team China with all three carriers — the Washington will be on station in a few days, and Carl Vinson will be right behind it.”
“We should continue air patrols over the Strait—”
“We can send the P-3s out of Misawa or the S-2s shore-based at At- sugi,” Balboa said. “If things get out of hand, we can send in F/A-18 Hornet fighter-bombers out of Okinawa. I think we can count on the Navy guys to simply observe, and not start, World War Three over there. U.S. presence should be a major stabilizing influence in Asia, not a destabilizing one.”
Balboa was the definition of interservice bigotry, the President decided, but now was not the time to argue about any lack of objectivity he might be displaying. “Philip, anything else?” the President asked. When Freeman had no reply, he continued, “Have Defense draw up a plan of action; I want the Independence moving as soon as possible. Don’t delay getting whatever help is needed for the frigates, but I want it known that Independence is going there to assist in recovery efforts only.” He paused for a moment, then added, “Just for my own peace of mind, Admiral — none of our carriers carry any nuclear weapons, right?”
“Absolutely not, Mr. President,” Balboa said. “All special weapons— nuclear, biological, and chemical — were removed from all Navy warships except ballistic missile submarines at least five years ago. None exist in the surface fleet.”
“Not even pieces of one? No nuclear components?” the President asked. It was a well-known fact that the U.S. government “fudged” information on nuclear weapons aboard Navy vessels to bypass a country’s “nuclear-free” policy by simply dismantling the weapons on board, so technically there were only “nuclear components” on board, not “nuclear weapons.”
“No nuclear components either, sir,” Balboa said. “Of course, we still have nuclear delivery components in the field — aircraft, missiles, et cetera — but I can certify to you that we have no nuclear weapons or nuclear weapon components in the field at this time.”
“Good — because you will have to certify it, in writing,” the President said. “Make your commanders do it, too.”
“The security review that you ordered was completed on both Sky Masters, Inc., and the Megafortress project office at Edwards Air Force Base — all clean,” Freeman interjected. “No special weapons have been detected, no special-weapon delivery subsystems have been installed or ordered or designed.”
“Good — I want that report in writing as well, Philip,” the President said. “Next, Admiral Balboa, get together with the Chiefs and Secretary Chastain and put the Megafortresses back in mothballs. Get them off Guam and back in the States soonest. We gave them a try, and it didn’t work. Then get together with Naval Investigative Services and the Justice Department and start an investigation on those missile launches and the attack on the Chinese ferry. We might have to sacrifice some heads to show the world we’re not on the warpath.”