and health care) on a costly inquiry which turns up just about nothing, and whose only
appreciable benefit is not to the Canadian people, and not even to Jews collectively, but only
to Sol Littman personally - which benefit is the stirring up of Jewish anxiety on the one hand
together with anti-Jewish resentment on the other, both of which are necessary to increasing the
flow of Jewish contributions into Sol Littman's coffers. Sol Littman, in short, is a parasite
upon the Jewish people, preying on the fears of the more gullible of them, essentially playing a
role not unlike that of Stephen King in which the bigger a scare he is able to elicit out of his
audience by means of the fantastic stories he is able to concoct, the greater is his success.
Repeating the same principle in different words, we may say that the more anti-Semitism Sol
Littman is able to provoke, the greater is his success.
How does Sol Littman come to be in the vanguard of the fight to suppress hate on the Internet?
Consider the information on Sol Littman which can be found on The Ukrainian Archive: (1)
Reviewing the sampling higher above of irresponsible denunciations submitted to the Deschenes
Commission, we note that four of them were submitted by Sol Littman, suggesting that in the full
list of denunciations, his contribution would have been substantial. (2) The Sol Littman
Mengele scare immediately above. (3) My 27May98 letter to Demjanjuk persecutor Neal Sher, in
which I present data supporting the conclusion that Neal Sher and Sol Littman are members of a
subculture who lie not only to those who are not members of their subculture, but to each other
as well, thus steeping themselves in untruths. Still more information is available on a web
site unconnected to UKAR devoted exclusively to exposing Sol Littman. Given the present UKAR
disclosure of Sol Littman's irresponsibility, and given the similar disclosure on other sites on
the Internet, as the one cited above, it is little wonder that Sol Littman is today a leading
exponent for society bestowing upon him (and others like him) the power to suppress information
on the Internet when he decides (or they decide) that it expresses "hate." Perhaps a suspicion
that it would be healthy to occasionally entertain is that those who call loudest for the
suppression of information may be those with the most to hide.
Salem's Was Not the Last Witch Hunt
Surely the above data convinces us that many of the horrors that we all despise - that even Mr.
Safer might profess to despise - are being realized as contemporary actualities. Slanderous and
unfounded allegations. Anonymous letters of accusation. Government agencies investigating
people for no other reason than that someone has submitted their names. McCarthyism. A witch
hunt. Individuals accused of having committed war crimes while they were still in diapers. And
instead of standing back from this mass hysteria or exposing it, 60 Minutes has chosen instead
to play a contributory role.
The Deschenes Commission cites 31 newspaper accounts between 1971 and 1986 of Nazi war criminals
residing in Canada, and points out that this list is not exhaustive. Decades of coverage of
such sensational accusations leaves a permanent impression on the minds of the public, while the
Deschenes Commission refutation takes place only once, and does not carry the same lurid
appeal. The net effect is a propaganda victory for the false accusers. 60 Minutes is making
its contribution to this phenomenon - its false accusations in "The Ugly Face of Freedom" were
long and sensational and will be remembered by many, its retraction will be short and dull and
will be remembered by few. 60 Minutes hands Ukrainophobes another victory.
Letters to Simon Wiesenthal
I have written a number of letters to Simon Wiesenthal asking for his clarification on the
issues raised above, and on other issues relating to his credibility and to his calumniation of
Ukraine. These letters can be found by clicking the above link. Other material relating to
Simon Wiesenthal can be found scattered throughout the UKAR site, and can be located using the
Internal Search Engine whose link can be found on the Home Page. One item particularly worth
mentioning might be my sixth letter to Michael Jordan, Chairman of Westinghouse. Following
examination of any of these materials, clicking BACK on your browser will return you to this
location (if your browsing trail has not been too long).
CONTENTS:
Preface
The Galicia Division
Quality of Translation
Ukrainian Homogeneity
Were Ukrainians Nazis?
Simon Wiesenthal
What Happened in Lviv?
Nazi Propaganda Film
Collective Guilt
Paralysis of the Comparative
Function
60 Minutes' Cheap Shots
Ukrainian Anti-Semitism
Jewish Ukrainophobia
Mailbag
A Sense of Responsibility
What 60 Minutes Should Do
PostScript
What Happened in Lviv?
According to Simon Wiesenthal on the 60 Minutes broadcast, in three days following the
evacuation of the Communist forces and before the arrival of the German troops, Ukrainian police
killed between five and six thousand Jews:
SAFER: He [Simon Wiesenthal] remembers that even before the Germans arrived,
Ukrainian police went on a 3-day killing spree.
WIESENTHAL: And in this 3 days in Lvov alone between 5 and 6 thousand Jews was
killed.
...
SAFER: But even before the Germans entered Lvov, the Ukrainian militia, the
police, killed 3,000 people in 2 days here.
Some 60 Minutes viewers may have been struck by the curious observation that while the 60
Minutes expert witness - Simon Wiesenthal - claimed that the number of Jews killed was "between
5 and 6 thousand," in three days, the interviewer - Morley Safer chose to reduce that number
killed to "3,000" and the duration of the killing to two days - but without informing the viewer
on what grounds he did so.
Let us begin our examination of this claim by reviewing the historical context.
Historical Context of the Lviv Pogrom
Eight Years Previously. Although Western Ukraine was spared the induced famine of 1932-1933 in
which some six million Ukrainians perished, Western Ukrainians were nevertheless aware of the
famine in adjacent Soviet Ukraine and aware that it was administered at the top by Lazar
Kaganovich, a Jew, and was supported at the bottom by cadres, many said to be Jewish, who moved
from village to village confiscating grain and livestock.
During the previous 21 months. Western Ukraine was annexed by Soviet forces in 1939 for a
period of 21 months until the Germans arrived in 1941. What was the experience of Western
Ukrainians under Russian communism? It was traumatic. On top of suppression of culture and
confiscation of property, there was terror:
The most widespread and feared measure was deportation. Without warning,
without trial, even without formal accusation, thousands of alleged "enemies of
the people" were arrested, packed into cattle cars, and shipped to Siberia and
Kazakhstan to work as slave laborers under horrible conditions. Many of these
deportees, including entire families, perished. ... According to Metropolitan
Andrei Sheptytsky, the Soviets deported about 400,000 Ukrainians from Galicia
alone. ... West Ukrainians found their first exposure to the Soviet system to
be a generally negative experience and many concluded that "Bolshevik" rule had
to be avoided at all costs. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, pp.
456-457)
Vasyl Hryshko (Experience with Russia, 1956, p. 117) puts the number killed or deported in
Western Ukraine during the Soviet occupation at 750,000. It was commonly perceived by
Ukrainians that Jews were disproportionately represented among the Communists inflicting this
suffering upon Ukraine.
During the preceding few days. As the Soviets retreated, the NKVD perceived by Ukrainians to
be manned disproportionately by Jews - went on a killing spree. Concerning this event, there
seems to be widespread agreement. Particularly relevant to our discussion, is that even Simon
Wiesenthal can be found adding his voice of assent in the fifth of the series of quotations
below:
While the movement to the East was taking place, the NKVD carried out mass
arrests and executions, chiefly of Ukrainians - especially those who tried to
avoid evacuation. In the jails most prisoners whose period of imprisonment was
more than three years were shot; others were evacuated if possible. In several
cities the NKVD burned prisons with prisoners in them. (Volodymyr Kubijovyc,
editor, Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, University of Toronto Press, Toronto,
1963, Volume I, p. 878, Vsevolod Holubnychy and H. M. wrote this section)
The Bolsheviks succeeded in annihilating some 10,000 political prisoners in
Western Ukraine before and after the outbreak of hostilities (massacres took
place in the prisons in Lviv, Zolochiv, Rivne, Dubno, Lutsk, etc.). (Volodymyr
Kubijovyc, editor, Ukraine: A Concise Encyclopaedia, University of Toronto
Press, Toronto, Volume 1, p. 886)
Before fleeing the German advance the Soviet occupational regime murdered
thousands of Ukrainian civilians, mainly members of the city's [Lviv's]
intelligentsia. (Encyclopedia of Ukraine, Volume 3, p. 222)
The Soviets' hurried retreat had tragic consequences for thousands of political
prisoners in the jails of Western Ukraine. Unable to evacuate them in time,
the NKVD slaughtered their prisoners en masse during the week of 22-29 June
1941, regardless of whether they were incarcerated for major or minor
offenses. Major massacres occurred in Lviv, Sambir, and Stanyslaviv in
Galicia, where about 10,000 prisoners died, and in Rivne and Lutsk in Volhynia,
where another 5000 perished. Coming on the heels of the mass deportations and
growing Soviet terror, these executions added greatly to the West Ukrainians'
abhorrence of the Soviets. (Orest Subtelny, Ukraine: A History, 1994, p. 461)
When the German attack came on 22 June the Soviets had no time to take with
them the people they had locked up. So they simply killed them. Thousands of
detainees were shot dead in their cells by the retreating Soviets. (Simon
Wiesenthal, Justice Not Vengeance, 1989, p. 35)
Right after the entry we were shown 2,400 dead bodies of Ukrainians liquidated