Dick D'Amato and people like him know this is real, but they cannot get their hands around it or control the expenditures.
Access to these projects has nothing to do with rank or position. Access has to do with whether or not you are willing to go along with the secrecy. That is the only criterion that matters, whether you are willing to play along with the agenda.
Those who shouldn't be in control but are, comprise an illegal, rogue break- off group that is trans-national and whose members are not only ruthless and murderous but operating completely without any legal authority. When you're dealing with something as fundamentally impor- tant as this, involving technologies as powerful as those described, you begin to realize the risks to the world of allowing this masquerade to go on, unchecked, decade after decade after decade.
In 1994, an FOB, a Friend of Bill Clinton, came to my home after I had briefed the CIA Director. He was a very easygoing, affable guy. He said, "You know, everyone agrees with what you're recommending, but there's a consensus that if the President does what you've suggested to him and to the CIA Director—that they exert executive power to get inside this operation and disclose it— the President will end up like Jack Kennedy."
I thought he was joking, and to be honest with you, I laughed out loud. I truly thought, "Oh, come on." But no, he was deadly serious. And he made it very clear that he was serious.
So it went from crisis to crisis, as I came to realize that the govern- ment of the United States -- and of every other nation -- was really hostage to an illegal, rogue group that had technologies that could do circles around a B-2 Stealth bomber and could, at will, terminate a presidency or terminate any other person who got in their way. This was made very clear to me by people who were in the inner circle of the greatest corridors of power on Earth.
Obviously, this weighed on me very heavily. I would say the period between '92 and '98 -- those six years -- were extremely traumatic for me. I would keep my chin up and publicly keep moving forward, but on a deep personal level it was devastating. I never lost faith in what we should do, but it was made very clear to me that the task was enormous and that the hour was late and that the stakes could not be greater.
In early 1994, I went back up to New York and spent some time with Laurance Rockefeller. I also met with a number of other people in New York City who were connected to the United Nations and to other organizations. We were walking into various circles of power and putting this information in their hands. In a way, I became the cosmic hand- holder. I would sit with the wife of the Secretary General of the U.N. or a CIA Director or close friends of the President or senior brass at the Pentagon and tell them what was going on and take them through this - - it's like the stages of death and dying, where they'd go from denial to anger and shock and grief and everything else. And this was increasing- ly what I found myself doing.
In these circles of enormous power and wealth, all kinds of betrayals happen. Some of the people working with us would sell out to a cell within the Shadow Government that interfaces with the civilian UFO community that's headed up by Colonel MK, General T.E., WB. a very wealthy Nevada businessman and others.
One such person went behind my back, and tried to defame me to Rockefeller's people, to intercept money that Rockefeller wanted to use to support our project, to take into his own institute.
So, here I am, working as an emergency physician, a very stressful job, raising four young children, and thrown into this nest of vipers. Traumatic doesn't begin to paint the picture! There were times when I really wanted to give up, but I knew I couldn't because I was still connected to the purpose and the vision of where we're headed. I tried to keep my sight on that far horizon— which isn't that far away in time, but seems very far away in events that have to happen— where we can create the world of our dreams.
And it was with that certainty, as well as faith, that I stayed in the effort.
You have to understand the compartmented nature of these inter- locking interests that are keeping all this secret: They are mainly in the corporate, institutional, financial, and technology sectors. The govern- ment of 'We, the People' is the least important component of it, and this includes the military, the CIA, the NSA, the NRO, Army intelligence, Air Force intelligence -- all of that is window dressing for an operation that's quite outside it. The real action is a hybrid group that is quasi-governmental but mostly privatized and utterly trans-national - and completely illegal.
Some of the chieftains of that group invited me to meet with them after I had met with the CIA Director. In advance of the meeting with the CIA Director, my contact to Woolsey was terrified by the idea that anyone would find out about the meeting. He was doing everything through FedEx, and he wanted me to talk with him on the phone at tele- phone booths, talking in a code!
I said, "We don't need to bother doing that, because the group that we're up against have technologies that can frustrate any system you can devise." Well, he had been on the short list to be Clinton's Secretary of the Navy. So he knew the spook world fairly well. But he had been in the conventional military and intelligence world. I knew what we were up against, but he didn't. So he said, "Oh, no, we have to do this. You're just a doctor! I've been in all these circles, and we have to be careful." So I humored him.
I tried to explain to him that there was no way to frustrate the surveillance capabilities of this covert group, because they had non-local,
'scalar' technologies that would enable them to bypass entire generations of electronics. Even the state-of-the-art NSA and NRO stuff is nothing compared to what they have, because what they have are electronic inter- faces with consciousness, where they can monitor things in real time all the time. Well, he didn't know this. I knew it and had remote-viewed them remote-viewing me.
So I went along with his game. But before I had the meeting on December 13th, 1993, someone who had been tied into these projects in the military in Arizona came to me and said, "I understand you're going to be meeting with Jim Woolsey, the CIA Director, about such and such on this date." I said, "I won't confirm or deny that, but isn't it interest- ing that you would comment on it?"
I reported this to my contact, and had to pull him off the ceiling! He went ballistic! "How could this be found out?" I said, "MJ, you haven't been listening." The problem is: Most people are too arrogant to know what they don't know
I should also mention that during my visit to New York in the win- ter of 1994, while at the Hilton on Sixth Avenue in New York, I got a phone call from a "reporter." And he said, "I'm a free lance reporter for the 'Wall Street Journal'." He said, "I understand you had a meeting with Admiral Woolsey regarding UFOs and extraterrestrial intelligence."
He asked, "What can you tell me about that?" I didn't lie; I just asked a rhetorical question: "Do you really think a sitting CIA Director would meet with a country doctor from North Carolina about a subject like UFOs and extraterrestrials?" And he said, "Well, no, I guess not." And I said, "Well, there you are," and I hung up. And that was the end of that. But this experience revealed to me that the media community was also mobbed up with intelligence people who were monitoring our activities.
It was around this time, in early 1994, that a contract worker for the covert shadow group that had a cell within the CIA, called me and said, "Look, we really want to see you get this done. Hurry up." I said, "What do you mean, 'hurry up'?"
They said, "We've been wanting someone to appear who would do this for us; at least a third of the people in this covert control group want to see this matter disclosed, but we can't do it..."