"You're kidding."
"No." He shook his head slowly. "Most shipowners carry hull insurance to cover any damages to the vessel, and to protect themselves against claims by third parties, they carry protection-and-indemnity insurance."
"Are you saying that shipowners have liability limitations?"
"To a degree. Shipping was an extremely risky business long before they had even primitive forms of insurance. The idea of liability limitations is an ancient one that protected the shipowners from losing all their assets."
Steve's words had little conviction. His mind was on Susan, and he knew it would be impossible for him to remain emotionally indifferent toward her. She made him feel relaxed and comfortable.
"If an owner was found negligent," Steve continued halfheartedly, "he could satisfy his responsibility by turning over the ship and cargo to the claimants. Obviously, the laws have been modified over the years, but the basic maritime rules are still in effect."
"Where do you suggest we begin our investigation?" "Well," he answered slowly and raised his glass, "I'd say the Port of Singapore Authority is a good place to start."
Susan smiled in her seductive way, then raised her glass to meet Steve's toast. "First thing in the morning."
Tired from the lengthy discussions with the enterprise groups, Prime Minister Genshiro Koyama felt groggy as Defense Minister Yutaka Isida and three members of the civilian-controlled National Defense Council entered his residence. They were served green tea while Koyama finished dressing and received a sketchy brief from an administrative aide.
The clear, star-studded sky was beginning to turn light when Foreign Minister Nagumo Katsumoto, looking like the model of neatness even at this early hour, was ushered into the elaborately ornamented meeting room.
A moment later, Koyama walked in and invited everyone to be seated. Yutaka Isida and the National Defense Council representatives appeared to be apprehensive and tense, while Katsumoto presented himself as calm and low-key. He had been anticipating a problem with the U. S. military since the terrorist episodes at Yokosuka Naval Base and the air bases at Misawa and Yokota.
After the initial pleasantries were concluded, Koyama asked the senior defense official to explain the latest incident in the clash with the Americans.
The rumpled-looking bureaucrat in a black business suit appeared to be weary and needed a shave. Isida nervously fingered a small stack of reports and papers while he addressed his remarks to the Prime Minister.
"We have been monitoring the movements of the U. S. carrier groups in the western Pacific," he began awkwardly, "and we have become increasingly alarmed at the implications of their operating locations."
After glancing at his Foreign Minister, who showed no outward reaction, Koyama coughed. "Where are the carriers, and what are your primary concerns?"
Uncomfortable in front of the Prime Minister, the Defense Minister hesitated a moment to shape his answer. "The Independence group is operating in the South China Sea off the northwestern coast of Borneo, and Lincoln and her escorts are in the Java Sea between the Lombok and Sunda straits."
Genshiro Koyama frowned and thought about the collision between the American ship and the Aegis destroyer Kongo. "I thought the carrier was going back to the States for repairs. That's what I saw in my morning summary."
"That's what we thought," the worried man answered anxiously and shifted in his seat, "based on their normal operating practices. But she has been positioned in the Java Sea. We think they are trying to send us a strong message."
"Where's their other carrier group?" Koyama suddenly interrupted. "The…"
"Kitty Hawk," the defense expert offered, then went on when the Prime Minister nodded. "Her group is in the northern area of the Strait of Malacca. Again, the implied message, as far as we're concerned, is that U. S. forces can strangle our supply lines at their leisure."
"That's exactly what the Americans want us to believe," Nagumo Katsumoto said in his quiet and restrained manner. "They are as frustrated with us as we are with them, and they're demonstrating their military strength. Many experts think the American President is like tofu — nothing in the middle — but we can't afford to underestimate him and their Joint Chiefs of Staff."
Koyama examined carefully the look on the face of the Minister of Defense. "Isida-san, what is your recommendation in regard to the carrier groups?"
"We have discussed the issue at length," Isida explained in a halting voice, "and it is our recommendation that we increase our military visibility in the South China Sea and the straits of Lombok and Malacca."
The Prime Minister let his glance shift to Katsumoto. "What is your assessment of our predicament, Katsumotosan?"
The Foreign Minister tasted his green tea before he spoke. "The situation is not unlike that of a child who is more intelligent than his or her parents. At some point, when the child is strong and not dependent on the mother and father, he or she will stop smiling and agreeing to the parents' every wish and order."
Katsumoto placed his tea on the table. "Japan is ready to step away from American influence, but we need to continue to be a friend to the United States because of China's growing military threat and the unpredictable nature of North Korea's communist regime. We can accomplish this if we keep everyone's interest in mind."
Koyama gave his friend a disgruntled look. "We have to stand up for our rights, but we've got to be careful. Our parent has an arsenal of nuclear weapons."
"They aren't going to use nuclear weapons on us," Katsumoto said calmly, "and you know that as well as I do."
Koyama reacted with angry defiance. "Tell that to the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki."
Katsumoto slowly turned to the Defense Minister and the delegation from the defense council. "If you'll excuse us for a few minutes… "
After the men left the room, the Foreign Minister turned partially sideways to rest his curved back. "I agree that Japan has to become independent at some point in time, but I am firmly convinced that we can reach a reasonable solution with the United States if we're patient and don't provoke them."
"I don't agree with you," Koyama bluntly replied. "There is too much animosity and mistrust between our nations, and I don't think the deep-seated antagonism is ever going to evaporate completely."
Katsumoto pondered the statement. "Let's think about what you just said, and examine our conscience with regard to our motives and values."
Koyama gave him a disgusted look and shook his head. "You know my feelings about the matter, so let's look at reality."
"I'm asking you to hear me out," Katsumoto said. "This is a pivotal point in our history."
Koyama tossed him a suspicious look.
"There are many factors and dynamics in play," Katsumoto quietly continued, "that have worked to place Japan in this difficult position. We, as a unified country, must begin to address these issues face-to-face and be brutally honest with ourselves and the rest of the world."
He saw the look of irritation in the Prime Minister's eyes. "We can't afford to put bandages on our problems," Katsumoto went on as he returned the stare from Koyama, "then shove them under the rug and lie about everything like the Americans do. We need a fundamental change in our attitudes if Japan is going to be accepted and trusted by the global communities."
Koyama frowned. "I don't like what I'm hearing. What are you trying to say?"
Katsumoto was straining to keep his emotions from spilling over. "Face the truth and it will be much easier to deal with the Americans."
"What truth?" Koyama shot back with open indignation.
Without blinking, Katsumoto glared at the Prime Minister. "We have been deceiving the world, ourselves, and our children. As a nation, the Japanese people have been programmed to believe that we are the victims of the war with the United States."