“Try Harley downstairs,” Antony said, distracted. “He has a talent for words.”
Prynne grunted and stood, gathering up his papers and pen. Antony paced as he left, scratching at his overgrown beard.
Purging the Commons: the most outrageous, divisive, destructive thing the Army could have done, short of declaring itself the sole authority over England, defying King, Commons, and all. And while Antony did not doubt Ludlow and the others mad enough to do it…
Evil thoughts, whispered into the right ears at the right time, had nurtured violence in London before.
Had Ifarren Vidar’s minions visited that council at St. Albans?
He and Lune had expected the next move to come through Sir Leslic’s Ascendants, who had seemed to be positioning themselves to create more anger against the Royalists, which would help the Army’s cause. But what if Vidar had gone directly for the Army itself? The Commons had voted to restore the King; a new House, if the old were dissolved, might well do the same. This purge was the only way to ensure a Commons composed solely of men who would act against Charles Stuart.
Which would please Nicneven very well.
And Antony’s own arrest would distract Lune, at this most crucial of times.
Movement in the shadows made him leap nearly out of his skin. But the figure Antony saw was familiar to him, and would hardly welcome the arrival of his Puritan fellow captives. He swallowed the cry just in time.
The mara Angrisla was not much prettier than Prynne, being a nightmare personified. But Antony had seen Lune’s secret messengers before, chosen more for their stealth than their social graces. “Lord Antony,” the mara said perfunctorily. “You’ll be out today. Her Majesty sent me to tell you.”
So much for his great martyrdom. But Antony had let his guilt over previous failures drive him into a greater one: he let himself be taken from Lune’s side, when she needed him most. And perhaps Vidar had predicted that, too.
Certainly Antony had not done here what he hoped. The surprise of the arrests had, in the end, come to nothing much; the prisoners were being released a few at a time, with little fanfare, while some troublesome few were moved to closer confinement in St. James’ Palace. Those still held here could do little more than write pamphlet after pamphlet, from the Solemn Protestation onward—most of which might as well be flung into the void, for all Antony knew of their effect.
He might not do much good outside, either. He would not swear his dissent from the treaty vote on the fifth—the vote overturned by the purged Commons a week later—and so would not be readmitted to his seat. But he might yet do some good in Guildhall. And if his suspicions were correct, he needed to be in the Onyx Hall, pursuing the question of Vidar. “Bear my thanks to her Majesty,” he told the mara, and resumed his pacing, worrying at his thoughts like a dog with a bone.
Soon enough a messenger came to take him and a few others to Whitehall. Fairfax, of course, was “too busy” to see them; Antony imagined the man was busy indeed, trying to check the excesses of his brethren in arms. In time, however, a lesser officer told them they were free to go.
Exiting into the frosty street, Antony found a familiar carriage waiting for him. The coachman opened the door, and a voice called out, “How long did they keep you waiting?”
Antony climbed in and sat across from Thomas Soame. The other man had been freed five days before, with many of their companions, and looked worlds more cheerful. “A few hours.”
“About what I expected. I passed the time by drinking.” Soame leaned out the window and called to the coachman, “Lombard Street.”
Home. And Kate. But Antony said, “No—take me to the Guildhall.”
Soame shook his head. “You don’t want to go there. Haven’t you heard?” At Antony’s alarmed look, he explained, “The Common Council elections were four days ago. Parliament passed an ordinance debarring anyone who favored the treaty with the King. We may have a Royalist Lord Mayor right now, but his councilmen are a pack of frothing Levellers.”
Even allowing for Soame’s tendency to exaggeration, it was appalling news. “Are we disabled?”
“You may be.” Soame fished around the coach floor and produced a small jug from behind his feet. Antony accepted a swig, expecting wine, and choked on aqua vitae. “Depends on whether they know you helped write the Solemn Protestation.”
Which was to say, another damnable ordinance. Word of it had reached them in prison, of course: no one involved with the Protestation could ever hold public office or a seat in Parliament again. “They don’t have the slightest shred of authority backing it,” Antony said. Anger warmed his body against the icy air. “To call the Commons a free and representative body, after what they did to us—”
“Not to mention they can barely manage a quorum most days,” Soame agreed. “Hell, even Vane isn’t attending, and he’s been the Independents’ leader for how long now? Some men are afraid to show their faces; others stay away in protest. The Lords muster six on a good day. It’s a farce.”
“I’m not laughing,” Antony said, more sharply than Soame deserved. “So tell me, then—what reply is planned?”
His friend blinked owlishly above the furred edge of his cloak. “Reply?”
“What protest? You cannot tell me the people are taking this in silence.”
“Oh, they’re not. I’ve seen a few petitions—not that the Commons or the General Council will even receive them—and enough argumentative pamphlets to paper over St. Paul’s. Publishing is the latest fashion, you know.”
Indeed. What was well and good for men in prison, though, was hardly enough for men who had their freedom. “What action?” Antony demanded in frustration.
The bitter humor faded from Soame’s face. “None that I’ve seen.”
None? It was inconceivable. “But the London Presbyterians hate the Army.”
“And preach against them at every opportunity. More words. It’s all words, Antony, from the Thames to the City wall.”
He shook his head, curling fingers numb with cold into fists at his sides. “Then I will change that.”
“How? Man, there’s artillery at Blackfriars, and soldiers quartered three doors down from your house. The Army lets people talk, but anyone who moves will be crushed like an ant.”
“Are you telling me the citizens of London are afraid to defend their liberty?”
“I’m telling you they’re tired,” Soame answered bluntly. “Six years of unrest, civil war from one end of the land to the other—trade is decaying, we’ve had three bad harvests in a row, and there’s ice on the Thames already. They’re minded to hold on to what they have, rather than risk losing the rest.”
And so by their indifference, they will lose that rest. Except that Antony knew, even as he thought it, that he was wrong. The Army would make a mockery of their liberties, gut Parliament, force the King to the indignity of trial, and otherwise destroy half of the things the war had supposedly been fought to defend, but the average man could still expect to work at his trade and go home to his family at night. And so long as he had that, it was possible to overlook the things he had lost.
Those lost things mattered. But if pamphlets and preachers could not move men to action, what could? When would the people of London stand up?
The coach had rattled down the frosted streets while he and Soame argued, over the Fleet ditch, through Ludgate, and across the City to his home. Now it rolled to a stop, and a moment later the coachman opened the door for him. Soame reached over before Antony could move and gripped his arm. “I understand,” his fellow alderman and erstwhile member of Parliament said, quietly serious. “But I think they mean this trial to frighten the King into real concessions. Once that is done, we will have sanity again.”