"Now, you're a reasonable man," Moore continued. "You obviously realize that if you're right about what General Brooks has been doing with WPO resources, I had nothing to do with it. But some people might not see it that way." Moore's was at least a sin of omission: he had almost entirely ignored his responsibilities when he was Chairman of the WPO and had handpicked Brooks when the previous commanding general retired. Brooks and Moore were old allies.
"They might try to blame me for Brooks' actions," Moore said. "If this comes out right now, the American is sure to try to use it to ruin my candidacy for Secretary-General." Christopher was about to interrupt but Moore held up his hand to stop him. "Now, I understand," Moore continued, "the urgency of getting to the bottom of this, but there must be some other way for you to conduct your investigation without bringing the matter to the Security Council just yet.".
"Mr. Ambassador," Christopher responded, "anything less than a direct route will cost time that I do not think we have to spare. Even if the Security Council grants my request immediately, it will take six to eight weeks to make the needed changes in personnel and to ensure that adequate equipment and supplies reach our troops on the Indian-Pakistani Border."
"Now the last thing I want to do is to prevent you from doing something you feel that you have to," Moore answered. "That's not the way I operate. And, besides, if I should be chosen as the nominee for Secretary-General, and if I am approved by the General Assembly, well, then, of course no one can be sure, but you could very possibly replace me as Primary on the Security Council." Moore wanted to point that out, just in case the possibility had escaped Christopher's attention. "The last thing I want is to cast a shadow on our future relationship. However," Moore paused, "with so much riding on this, for both of us and for the whole world, I suggest that you explore every possible option before you do anything imprudent."
Christopher's response was terse, but his voice showed no anger. "I have explored every possible option."
"And you feel this is your only course?"
"Yes."
Moore's frustration was growing harder for him to conceal. "Can you wait at least four days?" he urged.
"No, I don't believe I can."
Moore looked at his chief of staff and shook his head. "I think he's in league with the American ambassador," Poupardin interjected.
"He may be an Italian citizen now, but he was bom in America." Then Poupardin addressed Christopher directly. "Why else would you be so inflexible?"
"Gerard!" Moore said sternly, calling his chief of staff to heel.
"Please, forgive me, Mr Ambassador," Poupardin sputtered with a well-trained show of remorse.
"I, too, ask your forgiveness for Gerard's injudicious response," Moore said. "But you must realize that many in Europe may see this the same way." Moore was getting desperate. Poupardin had intentionally made the charge the way he did just so that Moore could call him down and then make essentially the same charge but seem entirely proper about it because the subject had already been broached. It was an effective ploy, and it was not the first time they had used it.
"Consider this," Moore said. "Within a week I could be Secretary-General and you could be the new Primary member representing Europe. While General Brooks' actions are reprehensible – if indeed he is guilty as you charge – his removal will have little immediate impact on the problem. You said yourself, it will take six to eight weeks to make all the changes you want to make. And, in truth, even if you make all of these changes, it will have only limited impact on the delivery of food to the starving, and that, after all, is what all of us really want. Now, if you will delay your action until after the vote, you have my word that I will apply the full influence and power of the position of Secretary-General both to speed the changes you feel are necessary for WPO, and to ensure that adequate distribution of food reaches those who need it."
Christopher considered Moore's argument. It had merit. Finally he yielded.
"Excellent!" Moore said.
"But," Christopher added, "in exchange, I want your assurance that whatever the outcome of the vote on Monday, you will help get my request approved by the Security Council."
"Of course," Moore promised.
Poupardin apologized again for his comment and Christopher was soon on his way.
"That man could be dangerous," Poupardin said as soon as Christopher was gone. "What would you have done if he had refused to wait?"
"Gerard, it is my destiny to be Secretary-General. I would have done whatever was necessary." Poupardin smiled to himself and walked around behind Moore's chair and began to massage his shoulders. "It seems the price of Robert Milner's support for my election to the Security Council may be higher than we first anticipated," Moore said. "We will have to keep a very close eye on that young man."
"Shall I call General Brooks?" Poupardin asked.
Moore took a deep breath and held it as he thought. "Yes, I suppose we should," he said as he exhaled. "Tell him he had better get his house in order, and quickly, if he wants to keep his job. But don't take too long with Brooks; we've got other things to worry about; we have to get a commitment from Ambassador Gandhi and to try to soften up South America's support for Ambassador Clark. I think we have to assume that our friend Mr. Goodman will not wait, should another vote be required."
Monday, August 19,2019
Conditions on the Indian-Pakistani border did not improve over the next four days: relief shipments were too few and too slow; the number of refugees attempting to cross the border continued to swell. To stem the tide, the Indian government increased their border guard sixfold. Reports spread of abusive treatment, torture, and summary execution of refugees who crossed into India. The government of Pakistan, in response to the Indian buildup, had significantly increased the number of its own troops along the border.
In New York this was the day the Security Council would again try to choose a new Secretary-General. It was also the end of the period which Christopher had promised to wait before requesting emergency authority over the World Peace Organization. In a corner of the anteroom outside the Security Council chamber, prior to the meeting, Christopher Goodman stood talking with Ambassador Gandhi about the situation in Pakistan. He had met with the Pakistani ambassador the previous evening, along with Saudi Ambassador Fahd, who was the Primary from the Middle East on the Security Council.
Inside the chamber, French Ambassador Albert Moore and his chief of staff, Gerard Poupardin, went over a few last-minute preparations. At the outset, four days had seemed like plenty of time to get India's vote in line. As it turned out, Ambassador Gandhi had held on for a number of specific guarantees before he agreed to support Moore.
"I just wish I felt better about Gandhi's vote," commented Poupardin. "I'm not sure we can trust him."
"Oh, I wouldn't worry about the Indian," Moore responded confidently. "He knows he'll never get anyone else to agree to the kinds of guarantees I've made."
"I just saw him talking to Ambassador Goodman outside the chamber on my way in."
"Did you hear what they were talking about?"
"No, I didn't want to be too obvious."
"Well, it was probably nothing."
"Probably, but Goodman was also seen last night with Ambassador Fahd."
A disquieted look flashed across Moore's face. "Why was I not told of this before?" he asked.
"I only just heard of it myself."
Moore's mood became more pensive than concerned. "Why don't you go out there and see if you can hear what they're talking about. If you have to, just go up and join in. If they seem uncomfortable with you being there or if they change the subject, get back in here and let me know right away." Poupardin got up to leave but it was too late: the Indian ambassador and Christopher were just entering the room to take their places for the meeting.