"Bren, you may know there's some disturbance in the upstairs Department, both about your address to the legislatures last night and the shooting."
"Not surprised. Very high feelings on the mainland, I assure you. Hanks isn't helping."
"How's business otherwise?"
Right past his question. Meaning was Tabini solidly in power. But definitely ignoring his question. "Thriving. In spite of the weather. Listen, Shawn, other matters aside, can you find me an answer about my redundancy here?"
"That's a wait. You're sawing off limbs, Bren."
As clear a warning as the Secretary could give. So Hanks' presence and continued presence in a critical situation went above the paidhi's office, and went above the Foreign Secretary's office. He knew where, right down to the fancy wood door. Durant was the name, Secretary of State Hampton Durant, possibly Erton's office, possibly higher than that.
"Advisedly," he said to Shawn's warning. "But the tree's overcrowded. Somebody has to. Send me what you can."
" What I can," the Secretary said; and Bren said, the all's-well sign-off, "See you."
But he didn't at the moment think so. Ever. He had a slightly sick-at-the-stomach feeling about that conversation, in which the Foreign Office, hisoffice, couldn't give the paidhi in the field any remote assurance it could get Hanks unassigned, even with all the signals he'd flashed about atevi displeasure.
Freely translated, the State Department, in charge of the Foreign Office, doesn't give a damn what atevi think.
He called through to the Bu-javid telegraph, said, "This is Bren Cameron, nadi, from the third floor. Ring Hanks-paidhi, please, wherever she's lodged."
The phone call went out. And rang. Someone picked up.
"Deana?" he asked.
The receiver slammed down. Bang!
He took several deep breaths. Professional behavior. The dignity of the paidhiin. The appearance of human unity.
He signaled the operator. "This is Bren-paidhi again. Ring again."
"Was this incorrect, nand' paidhi?"
"Just ring."
More rings. And rings.
And rings.
"Nand' paidhi, I have no answer."
"Operator, kindly ring until she answers. One long four shorts two longs. Until she picks up andtalks."
"Yes, nadi."
He sat. And sat. And put the constant ringing on speaker, and sat, and called up the text program and wrote the necessary letter to Foreign Secretary Shawn Tyers, that said, in code, " Hanks has met with dissidents against the government and offered them such unauthorized concepts as FTL, the repercussions of which I will have to handle among the devout of lord Geigi's province. She has made unauthorized and unsubstantiated offers of trade, which may have been apprehended as a bribe. Hanks refuses my phone calls. She refuses my order to withdraw. She has revealed classified information, ignored atevi law, and alienated atevi across completely opposite political lines, endangering her life and mine. I do not know how to characterize her actions except in the strongest terms: not only dangerous to the peace, but incompetent even among atevi whom she would probably wish to have on her side. She is in personal danger. She has offended atevi of very high rank and unlimited resources, and shows no disposition to make amends to them or to listen to advice from me. I urge you to seek clearance for her immediate withdrawal from the field."
He didn't send, however. He stored the damning message to file, and sat, and sat, and waited. And waited.
He heard the line pop again, then bang, with a receiver slammed down.
He shook his head, restraining his own temper, unable to understand — remotely to conceive of — the stupidity of the island-bound, island-educated, culturally insular mentality that ran the Department, that ran so well at its lower levels — unable to conceive of the mentality that abandoned concern so far that political ideologues could toss the job he'dtraded his whole human life for into the hands of an arrant, politically motivated, opinionated, and prejudiced fool.
He didn'tbelieve it. He refused to believe the powers actually in charge, sitting above a university that, most of the time, knew what it was doing and what it was advising, were that damnably ignorant of the critically dangerous differences of atevi culture, atevi life, atevi politics.
But the ones with the power over Mospheira itself didn't give a damn. The people they put in charge of the upper echelons of the State Department didn't give an effectual damn. Theyhad their position, theyhad their power, theyhad their access to the President, theycalled it State Department business when they opened an appliance factory on the North Shore, and theywere wined and dined by the company execs, also in their social set, for the petty approvals and the official stamps and the environmental clearances and the power-brokering that shepherded projects through what in atevi terms ought to be the Ministry of Works and the Ministry of Commerce.
But, no, among humans it was the business of the State Department, because some human official just after the war had seen the development of Mospheira as an internationally sensitive matter that had to go through somebodywho presumably understood the impact it was going to have on atevi relations and the window it was going to provide for atevi to figure out (atevi being clever) whathumans had and could deliver to reproduce on the mainland. And somebody else had said they should be appointed by the President.
The result was a Department whose highest officers knew a lot more about political patronage than they knew about factory effluents — whose highest officers rarely exercised their power at operational or foreign office levels, but they sat as a political, contribution-courting roadblock to every railroad, every highway, every item of new commerce and every extrapolation of Mospheiran domestic technology. They knew a damn sight less about atevi policy: they shunted incomprehensible intellectual problems like atevi affairs and atevi grants of technology and atevi cultural and environmental impact studies off to the university Foreign Service Study Program and that far-down-the-hall office of the lowly Foreign Secretary, who didn't contribute to their party's campaign and therefore didn't have to be bothered except occasionally.
Which meant neither the paidhi in the field nor the Foreign Secretary had the easy, routine access to the President that the Secretary of State had.
A Secretary of State with his technocrat cronies who hadn't waked up from fairyland since Tabini came to power, except for his cocktail parties, his influence-trading, his shepherding of special bills through the legislature and his social schedule and his attendance at the soccer nationals and — oh, yes, oh, God, yes — the opening of the Space Research Center, where the Heritage Redevelopment Society, also with an officership populated mostly by wealthy conservatives, consumed enough alcohol to power an airliner into orbit and lamented humanity's losses in the historic war. The HRS annually commemorated the departure of the ship, listened to engineers talk about revitalizing the space station and consistently refused to put speakers from International Studies on the program, even when they wrote papers that directly impacted proposals that the HRS was going to come out with in the next session of the legislature. He'd personally tried, this last spring, being invited by a handful of the Foreign Office and some junior members of the HRS who wanted to get someone of stature to make their point in favor of the trade cities project: the higher echelons of the HRS had politely lost his application and failed to review his paper, which meant he could come and attend, if he could get the time, if he wanted to pay the conference fee, but he wasn't on the agenda.