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Five days later, in an act of North American brotherhood, the Mexican SoCal Occupation Army defected to the US-Canadian side. The SoCal Front collapsed for the PAA.

This led to anti-Chinese uprisings in Mexico and had a dramatic effect on the summer offensives. On top of the first wave of troop replacements, Chairman Hong shipped emergency reinforcements across the Pacific. At the same time, Marshal Meng withdrew his best divisions from the fronts in Texas and Arizona. These divisions disarmed the Mexican Army in Mexico and began patrol duty to secure the largest cities and the road routes from the ports to the Texan fronts.

The Mexican revolt gained strength and drew off yet more Chinese strength. This led to a grave weakening in Texas, New Mexico and Arizona. Throughout July and August, American forces pushed the weakened PAA south.

By September, at the cost of bloody massacres, the Chinese regained full control of Mexico. By October, the PAA fortified their final long slice of America. It stretched from Houston-Austin-Odessa, Texas to Carlsbad, New Mexico to Phoenix, Arizona.

According to Chairman Hong, the doctrine was simple. Better to fight the Americans in North America than to fight them elsewhere. To that end, from spring to autumn, over two million new soldiers crossed the Pacific to Mexico, with more on the way.

The American problem of what to do with the PAA Fortress Mexico led to the Chicago Conference and the decisions reached there.

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The Chicago Conference

CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

13 October 2041

Strategic conference minutes, 2.39 P.M.

Participants: Harold, McGraw, Levin (Director of the CIA) Caliato (Director of Industry), O’Hara (Admiral, Pacific Fleet), Danner (Air Marshal, Strategic Air Command).

HAROLD: Gentlemen, I have called this meeting for a specific reason. Not to put too fine a point on it, I believe this is a historic occasion. Perhaps that sounds melodramatic to some of you. After you’ve heard my proposal, I doubt you’ll think so.

First, it is my opinion that the United States has reached a crisis point. For three years, we have faced the onslaught of the world, absorbing incredible blows. No other nation on Earth could have withstood two thirds of Asia, South America and United Europe hammering against us in tandem. In fact, the United States is such a unique country, that we not only withstood the attacks, but we have essentially thrown the invader off our sacred soil. Now we must decide how to proceed. A wrong choice here could have debilitating consequences for our country’s future.

INDUSTRY DIRECTOR CALIATO: Perhaps this isn’t my place, Director. I’m the last person to complain, believe me. Yet I feel that I should point out that the Chinese still hold parts of Texas, New Mexico and Arizona. In other words, the job isn’t finished. I know the President expects us to clear the entire country.

HAROLD: The enemy still holds a sliver of land. You’re correct in pointing this out. And yes, I agree with you. The President wants every acre cleansed of even a taint of the invader. Yet we’re not remiss in recognizing that this sliver is barely enough land to contain China’s forward defenses. In many ways, we can wait to regain this last strip. The real problem is continued Chinese proximity to our heartland. This spring, Hong showed us with fearful brutality what he could and would do with tactical nuclear weapons. As long as China maintains heavy concentrations of troops on or near our border, we are in danger of a second nuclear strike.

CALIATO: I thought the general explained yesterday how the Army has built a nearly impenetrable antimissile belt along our forward defenses. General McGraw told us Hong could not repeat this spring’s performance. You’ve gone on TV more than once to assure the populace of this.

HAROLD: Granted, it would be difficult for the Chinese to duplicate their performance. I told the public we’re safe from a repeat in order to calm their worries, not necessarily because it was true. I fear that the Chinese might gather a tremendous number of drones and use a similar swarming tactic against our defenses before unleashing another cruise missile wave. No. While I applaud the military’s efforts, the war has shown that—over time anyway—a determined attacker with plenty of materiel can penetrate any defensive zone.

CALIATO: Then we’ll never be safe as long as the Chinese are in Mexico.

HAROLD: Those are my thoughts exactly.

LEVIN: Please excuse my interruption, Director.

HAROLD: Doctor Levin, I’ve asked you to attend this meeting precisely because I desire your input. The CIA has, hmm, foreign and other hidden assets the rest of us can only envy at this stage.

LEVIN: I’ll take that as a compliment.

HAROLD: I mean it as such.

LEVIN: Thank you. The CIA has worked hard to maintain its foreign connections. My point is otherwise. In listening to you, I believe you’re suggesting… well, a much longer war than the American people will sustain.

HAROLD: This is interesting. Go on, please.

LEVIN: Let’s put aside any word games. We here know the score. We’re intelligent men. Today, and likely tomorrow, too, the Homeland Security slogans will continue to stir people’s blood. “Free America!” and “Drive the Chinese into the sea,” are rousing chants. A continuing American death toll from a fierce and drawn out war in Mexico, however, will eventually rob the catchphrases of their power. I do not mean any disrespect to the military, but the summer offensives have shown the Army, the Marines and the Militia’s weakening resolve for protracted combat.

HAROLD: I believe you state the situation accurately.

LEVIN: Then in your opinion, the United States cannot sustain a long war in Mexico as we attempt to oust the Chinese from North America.

HAROLD: We would need South American Federation help for that.

LEVIN: According to the reports I’ve read, the junta leaders have lost their taste for North American adventures. They are, however, still firm allies of the PAA. I’m not sure why you would suggest they might help us against the Chinese.

HAROLD: They’re still PAA allies. I’ll agree with you there. Clearly, though, their unwillingness to engage in further combat shows a lack of firmness toward China.

LEVIN: I suppose one could make that argument. That’s a long way from their helping us oust the Chinese.

HAROLD: I made no such claim. I merely said we would need massive military assistance to drive the Chinese out of Mexico, such as from the SAF. Otherwise, it would take greater causalities than Americans are likely willing to accept.

LEVIN: That’s my point exactly.

HAROLD: We’re here to examine options and possibilities and see where they lead. As I’ve just said, Doctor Levin is quite correct in pointing out that a protracted war in Mexico would exhaust our country. Likely, it would unify the Mexican people against America. The majority of Mexicans presently hate the Chinese occupier. Yet the Mexican people have a longstanding antipathy toward the US military in their country. No. Hong is correct in pouring massive PAA troops and materiel into Mexico, to ensure it remains a bulwark against us. As long as Mexico remains a Chinese fortress, we will live under the shadow of Chairman Hong. It will severely restrict what we can do elsewhere.

MCGRAW: That obviously leaves us at an impasse. We cannot allow the Chinese to stay in Mexico, but we cannot go in and dig them out. Therefore, we need a new strategy, as we’ve reached the end of our primary goal, namely—driving the aggressors out of our country.