Lantern on top of the Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore (the Duomo) of Florence, designed by Filippo Brunelleschi, 1436; completed c. 1436–71.Robert Harding Picture Library
It was, in fact, strong states (unlike Genoa) and the peculiar state system of Italy that lay behind most of the intense secular patronage and intellectual life in this period. In painting, sculpture, and architecture the leading patrons were governments, and the patrons’ motives were a mixture of aesthetic response, civic pride, and propaganda. The communes took responsibility not only for the palazzi comunali, or city halls, and other communal buildings but also for the building, interior furbishing, and maintenance of their cathedrals and other principal churches (in these, sometimes specifically excluding any ecclesiastical participation in the work). In the same spirit, republics and signorie engaged in town planning—in the destruction and reconstruction of town sites, in regulating building and use, and, through appointed conciliar committees, in the siting of new roads, squares, and fountains. At the same time, government involvement in the arts gave them an increasingly secular character. Political allegories and demands for identifiable portraits of lords or statesmen made new demands upon the artist and stimulated interest in the art of Classical Rome, whose heir the communes claimed to be.
The Palazzo Ducale, 1450–1510; in Pesaro, Italy.Shostal/Superstock
Whether in the republics or the signorie, art had a major role as propaganda. Because Italy was divided into many states, political art was not centred at one court—as in England, Scotland, or France—but flourished in city-states throughout the peninsula. Because the states were in intense rivalry, art itself was enlisted in that rivalry. Thus, the fragmentation of Italy, which made it so vulnerable to foreigners in the last years of the 15th century, also contributed to its cultural supremacy. At the same time, the papacy played its own part in this development—particularly from the mid-15th century, when Pope Nicholas V made the first full-scale alliance between the papacy and humanism, planning “majestic buildings, combining taste and beauty” for Rome, to exalt the majesty of the Holy See. John Larner John Foot Early modern Italy (16th to 18th centuries) From the 1490s through the 17th-century crisis
The calamitous wars that convulsed the Italian peninsula for some four decades after the French invasion of 1494 were not, according to modern historians, the tragic aftermath of a lost world. Rather, they were a further elaboration and intensification of a violent age whose self-definition was transition. War reflected the wider European rivalries that made Italy a prize for plunder and a defensive bulwark against the Ottoman Turks, that led to the explorations and conquests of the New World and to new contacts with Asia, and that erupted into open divisions over religious belief. Above all, war propelled all of Europe into a new economic and demographic expansion that was to shift the centre of power from the garden of Italy in the Mediterranean to northwestern Europe and its Atlantic world. French and Spanish rivalries after 1494
The new political landscape after the 1494 invasion still reflected the contradictions and conflicts of the medieval political past. Rivalries of status, class, family, and neighbourhood continued unabated in the cities of both republics and principalities. Territorial states grew, and their urban capitals dominated neighbouring rural hinterlands even more than in previous decades. And, although independent action by the Italian states now had to yield to powerful initiatives from the newly unified monarchies of France and Spain, such foreign intervention echoed the policies of their medieval Angevin and Aragonese forebears. French loss of Naples, gain of Milan
The French were not expelled from Naples. Charles VIII left Naples as freely in May 1495 as he had entered it a few months earlier. But an anti-French league led by Venetian and Spanish troops was needed to recover the kingdom for Ferdinand II of Naples (ruled 1495–96). When Spanish naval action cut the supply lines of the embattled French garrisons that had been left behind, a preliminary armistice in 1497 ended the fighting.
The Italian states took advantage of the disequilibrium caused by the invasions for their own territorial aggrandizement. Venice, already more powerful than any of the other Italian states, gained the most. It occupied several important ports in Puglia with the intent of appropriating them, backed Pisa in its long though ultimately unsuccessful revolt against Florence (ending in 1509), and supported the conquest of Milan in 1499 by Louis XII (ruled 1498–1515), the new king of France, in exchange for Cremona and its hinterland. Spanish acquisition of Naples
Louis XII had not given up French pretensions to the Kingdom of Naples, and the acquisition of Milan strengthened his supply position. Powerful aristocrats within the kingdom, led by the pro-French princes of Sanseverino in Calabria, fomented dissension and weakened the already tenuous rule of King Frederick (1496–1501) to the point that both the French and Spanish saw an opportunity to satisfy their ambitions. In the Treaty of Granada (1500) they agreed to invade and partition the kingdom between them into a northern French sphere of the Abruzzi and Campania (including the city of Naples) and a southern Spanish sphere of Calabria and Puglia. Yet the most wily diplomat of the age, Ferdinand II (the Catholic) of Aragon, the king of Spain, hoped not only to forestall French ascendancy and outsmart Louis XII in Italy but also to assert his own claims as the legitimate heir to the Aragonese empire founded by Alfonso V (the Magnanimous) in 1442. In addition, he hoped to resist Ottoman advances that were threatening his possession of Sicily. In 1501 a French and Spanish invasion divided the Kingdom of Naples according to plan, and Frederick of Naples lived out his life in French exile together with his faithful servant, the great Neapolitan poet Jacopo Sannazzaro. When hostilities broke out in Puglia in 1503 over the large revenues of the sheep customhouse at Foggia, Spanish forces under Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba (the “Great Captain”) outfought the French and occupied the entire Kingdom of Naples by the end of that year. France abandoned its claim to Naples in 1505. During the next 30 years Naples spearheaded Spanish policy in Italy. Tuscany and the papacy
During the first decade after the French invasions, Tuscany, the Romagna, and the Marche also underwent political upheavals. The Medici were expelled from Florence in 1494, and Savonarola’s powerful sermons inspired a theocratic state. Tuscan cities that the French had liberated from Florentine rule continued their revolt. After Savonarola’s execution in 1498, an oligarchic republic was created under the authority of Piero di Tommaso Soderini (ruled 1498–1512; elected gonfaloniere for life in 1502).
Meanwhile, Cesare Borgia, the natural son of Pope Alexander VI, attempted to carve out a dynastic state for himself in the Romagna and the Marche. As the model for political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli’s prince, Cesare Borgia had prepared assiduously to seize power upon his father’s death. But his plans were thwarted by bad fortune: at the very moment when decisive action was required, he himself was deathly ill. A college of cardinals caught between Spanish and French interests hastily elected a new pope, Pius III, who, however, died only 26 days later. His successor, Julius II (reigned 1503–13), had to win back by force of arms the territories in east-central Italy up to Bologna that Cesare Borgia had taken from the Papal States.