On 23 January 1913, a thirty-one-year-old Young Turk officer, Ismail Enver, a veteran of the 1908 Revolution who had made his name fighting the Italians in Libya, burst into the Sublime Porte, shot the war minister and seized power. He and two comrades, Mehmet Talaat and Ahmet Jemal, formed the triumvirate of the Three Pashas. Enver won a small victory in the Second Balkan War which convinced him he was the Turkish Napoleon, destined to restore the empire. In 1914, he emerged as Ottoman strongman and war minister – and even married the sultan’s niece. The Three Pashas believed that only the Turkization of the empire could stop the final rot. Their programme anticipated Fascism and the Holocaust in its barbarity, racism and warmongering.
On 28 June 1914, Serbian terrorists assassinated the Austrian heir Archduke Franz Ferdinand and the Great Powers staggered then stampeded into the First World War. Enver Pasha was eager to fight, pushing for a German alliance to provide the necessary military and financial backing. Kaiser Wilhelm, remembering his trip to the East, backed the Ottoman alliance. Enver appointed himself vice-generalissimo under his puppet sultan and entered the war by bombarding Russian ports from his newly supplied German battleships.
On 11 November, Sultan Mehmet V Rashid declared war on Britain, France and Russia – and in Jerusalem jihad was proclaimed in al-Aqsa. At first there was some enthusiasm for war. When the commander of the Ottoman troops in Palestine, the Bavarian general Baron Friedrich Kress von Kressenstein, arrived, the Jews of Jerusalem welcomed his units with a triumphal arch. The Germans assumed protection of the Jews from the British. Meanwhile Jerusalem awaited the arrival of her new master.7
On 18 November Wasif Jawhariyyeh, the oud-player, still only seventeen years old, watched Ahmet Jemal, minister of the marine and one of the Three Pashas, drive into Jerusalem as effective dictator of Greater Syria and supreme commander of the Fourth Ottoman Army. Jemal set up his headquarters in the Augusta Victoria on the Mount of Olives. On 20 December, an elderly sheikh arrived at the Damascus Gate in a stately carriage bearing the Prophet’s green banner from Mecca. His entrance into the city caused ‘indescribable commotion’ as ‘an orderly and picturesque train of soldiers followed the flag through the Old City’ as they sprinkled rosewater. The whole population of Jerusalem followed in his wake ‘singing Allahu akhbar in the most beautiful parade I ever saw,’ wrote Wasif Jawhariyyeh. Outside the Dome, Jemal declared jihad. ‘Jubilation took possession,’ agreed Kress von Kressenstein, ‘of the entire population’ – until the ancient Meccan sheikh suddenly died just before Christmas, an embarrassing augur for the Ottoman jihad.
Jemal, forty-five years old, squat and bearded, always protected by a camel-mounted squadron of guards, combined brutish, paranoid cruelty with charm, intelligence and grotesque buffoonery. A bon vivant with ‘a weakness for pomp and circumstance’, and for beautiful Jewesses, he had a sense both of his own greatness and of his own absurdity. While he terrorized Jerusalem, he liked to play poker, race horses through the Judaean hills, drink champagne and smoke cigars with his friend, Count Antonio de Ballobar, the Spanish consul. Ballobar, an elegant aristocrat in his late twenties, described the pasha as a ‘sale type’ but ‘bon garçon’ – a filthy type but a good boy. Bertha Spafford thought Jemal ‘a strange man and one to be feared’, but also ‘a man of dual personality’ capable of charm and kindness. Once, without anyone seeing, he gave a diamond-studded medal to a little girl whose parents found her with it when they returned home. One of his German officers, Franz von Papen, simply judged him ‘an extremely intelligent Oriental despot’.
Jemal ruled his fiefdom almost independently: ‘That man of limitless influence’ relished his power, asking jovially: ‘What are laws? I make them and unmake them!’ The Three Pashas were rightly suspicious of Arab loyalty. Enjoying a cultural renaissance, a flowering of nationalistic aspirations, the Arabs hated the new Turkish chauvinism. Yet they formed 40 per cent of the Ottoman population, and many of the Ottoman regiments were entirely Arab. Jemal’s mission was to hold the Arab provinces and suppress any Arab – or for that matter Zionist – stirrings, using first menacing charm and then just menace.
Soon after arriving in the Holy City, he called in a delegation of Arabs suspected of nationalist beliefs. He studiously ignored them as they grew paler and paler. Finally he asked, ‘Do you appreciate the gravity of your crimes?’ He cut off their answer: ‘SILENCE! Do you know the punishment? Execution! Execution!’ He waited as they quaked, then added quietly: ‘But I shall content myself with exiling you and your families to Anatolia.’ When the terrified Arabs had trooped out, Jemal turned laughing to this adjutant: ‘What can one do? That’s how we get things done here.’ When he needed new roads built, he told the engineer, ‘If the road isn’t finished in time, I shall have you executed at the point when the last stones have been laid!’ He would sigh rather proudly: ‘Everywhere there are people groaning because of me.’
As Jemal mustered his forces, commanded mainly by German officers, for his offensive against British Egypt, he found that Syria was seething with intrigue, and Jerusalem, ‘a nest of spies’. The pasha’s policy was simple: ‘For Palestine, deportation; for Syria, terrorization; for the Hejaz, the army.’ In Jerusalem his approach was to line up ‘patriarchs, princes and sheikhs in rows, and to hang Notables and deputies’. As his secret police tracked down traitors, he deported anyone suspected of nationalist agitation. He commandeered Christian sites such as St Anne’s Church and started to expel the Christian hierarchs while he prepared to attack Egypt.
The pasha paraded his 20,000 men through Jerusalem on the way to the front. ‘We’ll meet on the other side of the [Suez] Canal or in Heaven!’ he boasted, but Count Ballobar noticed an Ottoman soldier pushing his water rations in a stolen pram, surely not the mark of a daunting military machine. Jemal, on the other hand, travelled with ‘magnificent tents, hat stands, commodes’. On 1 February 1915, Jemal, moved by hearing his men singing ‘The Red Flag Flies over Cairo’, attacked the Canal with 12,000 troops; they were easily repelled. He claimed that the attack had only been a reconnaissance in force, but he failed again in the summer. Military defeat, Western blockade and Jemal’s growing repression brought desperate suffering and wild hedonism to Jerusalem. It was not long before the killing started.8
TERROR AND DEATH: JEMAL THE SLAUGHTERMAN
Within a month of Jemal’s arrival, Wasif Jawhariyyeh saw the body of an Arab in a white cloak hanging from a tree outside the Jaffa Gate. On 30 March 1915, the pasha executed two Arab soldiers at the Damascus Gate as ‘British spies’, and then executed the Mufti of Gaza and his son, whose hanging at the Jaffa Gate was watched by a full crowd in respectful silence. Hangings were staged at the Damascus and Jaffa Gates after Friday prayers to ensure the largest audience. Soon the gates seemed to be permanently festooned with swaying cadavers, deliberately left for days on Jemal’s orders. On one occasion, Wasif was horrified by the sadistic incompetence:
The hanging process was not studied scientifically or medically enough so that the victim stayed alive, suffering a lot and we watched but couldn’t say or do anything. An officer ordered a soldier to climb up and hang on the victim but this extra weight made the victim’s eyes bulge out of his face. This was the cruelty of Jemal Pasha. My heart cries out from the memory of this sight.