“They sentenced him to twelve years in a forced labor camp.”
I winced at his bitterness. He sat up then and reached for the handle of his umbrella; his hand grasped it as though it were a bludgeon. “Technically there is no single Soviet law which applies solely to Jews—anti-Semitism is more clever, more subtle than that in our People’s Republics. But there’s no end to their old tribal barbarities. The lip service changes but the hate is still there. People need to look for a hidden hand behind their own failures—and they always seem to find the Jews there. Thus, you know, the Protocols.* And do not believe the Protocols are dead. If you read the official press you will see that the Zionist cartel is an imperialist tool—Zionism is the new Nazism, it is a Hitlerite global threat. They believe this. It is incredible but they believe this,” he said at the weakening end of a breath.
Then he put away the umbrella and clasped his hands and said dispiritedly, “In your country I think you are getting tired of hearing about it. Perhaps you believe the propaganda that the Kremlin is so sensitive to your charges that Jews find it much easier to emigrate than they did before.”
I said, “It’s true, isn’t it, that it’s actually easier for a Jew to emigrate than for some of the other minorities—the Lithuanians, for example, or the Volga Germans?”
“These minorities aren’t persecuted, are they?” he murmured dispiritedly. “I agree they should be allowed to go where they wish—everyone should. But the propaganda is wrong. The truth is that the Kremlin has tightened its internal security, not loosened it. It has done this to offset the internal effects of its policy of relaxing tensions with the West. The KGB has been cracking down very hard on what it thinks are dissident groups—especially Jews. Let me tell you about a recent case. I’m very familiar with the details—I was involved in it.”
I waited while he drew breath and composed his thoughts.
“The man’s name is Levit. He’s a chemist, not an important one. He was working in a plastics factory near the city here.* Now in order to leave Russia, a Jew must first have a relative abroad. You understand?”
“A vicious circle,” I said.
“Exactly. So we have this function in our organization—we manufacture ‘relatives’ in Israel.”
“I see.”
“Levit was sent to me by someone who knows me. I took care of this for him. I told him what he had to do, I gave him a little pamphlet which outlines the steps you must take. He wrote a letter to Post Office Box Ninety-two in Jerusalem—the Jewish Agency—asking them to locate his ‘relative’ in Israel, a first cousin whom we had manufactured for him. A real person, of course, but not actually related to Levit.
“Now in a few weeks Levit received a note from the Jewish Agency giving him the address of this cousin. Then Levit had to write to the cousin, asking him to send Levit a vyzov, which is an affidavit of the relationship, and an invitation to join him, and a promise to support him. This document has to be notarized, after which the Israeli cousin has to take it to the Finnish Embassy in Tel Aviv. The Finns handle these arrangements because of course the Soviet Union has no embassy in Israel.
“The vyzov has already been notarized but now it must be certified again at the Finnish Embassy, after which the cousin mails it to Levit. If Levit had been lucky he would have received it, but he did not, and we had to make the request again. In point of fact we had to go through this four times, much to the inconvenience of the ‘cousin’ in Israel who did not live anywhere near Tel Aviv.”
“You mean the Soviet censors were confiscating Levit’s incoming mail?”
“Of course. It is standard, this sort of harassment. All right, finally Levit received his vyzov. That much had taken nearly three months’ time.
“He took the document to the local OVIR and they gave him a form to fill out. For this form one must provide a stack of authenticating documents: a karakterstika from his place of employment, signed not only by his director but also by the Communist Party representative there and also by his trade union representative.
“No law forces these functionaries to sign such documents. They may call you a traitor, they may demote you, they may even dismiss you.
“In the meantime you are questioned by KGB agents. Your home is searched, your parents and relations and friends are interrogated. They are pressured by the KGB and if any of them weakens he will probably end up by testifying to your anti-Soviet activities so that the State can send you to prison on charges of treason or spreading Zionist racist propaganda or belonging to an imperialist Zionist ideological front.”
He was speaking in a monotone now, repressing all emotion. “Levit was also required to get a paper from his landlord, and one from his children’s teachers, and one from his wife’s employer—she had to go through the same idiocy he went through.
“In the meantime we had sent our own people to talk with his friends and relations before the KGB could reach them, so that they’d know what to say when they were questioned. We had also exercised a little quiet pressure from various sources against both the Levits’ factory supervisors. If we hadn’t done so, the chances are the supervisors wouldn’t have signed their karakterstiki. The supervisors weren’t Jews, you see.
“All right, Levit got all these papers filled out and signed. I went over them with him to make sure there had been no mistakes in them. Then he took it all back to OVIR in Sebastopol and paid a forty-ruble filing fee. After that he had to wait five months.
“At the end of the five months he was informed by OVIR that his job was sensitive and important. Therefore his exit passport and visa were being denied.
“I had expected as much, and warned him, but you can imagine the man’s desperation. We convinced him to stick to it. He filed the necessary appeal. Three months later his appeal was denied. It was only then that I was allowed, by the regulations of our own organization, to act. Even so, in many of these cases we do nothing further. The applicant after another year’s waiting is allowed to apply again.”
“For an exit visa?”
“For a new vyzov from Israel,” he said, utterly without inflection. “You must start at the beginning and go through the entire utter nonsense over again. I’ve known some patient Jews who were at it eight years before they got their visas.”
“I gather it didn’t take Levit eight years.”
“The man hadn’t the patience. He was beginning to drink a great deal, which was not like him—ordinarily drunkenness is a Slavic trait which the Jews despise. He and his wife were despondent. Their children were being subjected to cruel harassment in school. Both husband and wife had been dismissed from their jobs.”
“If he’d been dismissed they couldn’t deny him his visa again on the grounds of the sensitivity of his work.”
Bukov nodded—that was true. “He might have been successful if he’d tried it again. But he’d have had to wait twelve months to start, and it would have been at least six months—more likely another year—before it ended. Two years, with no income. They were despondent enough to be talking about suicide. Both of them. They told me they had considered it. I was not prepared to take the risk they would do it.”
“So you smuggled them out of the Soviet Union?”
“In some cases we merely arrange false papers—the razrewenia and the rest. In this case, for various reasons, that sort of forgery was impractical.”
“What reasons?”
“Principally the psychological state of the Levits. They were nervous wrecks, both of them. Very likely they’d have broken under the strain of interrogations and checkpoints, regardless of how serviceable their documents had been. If they’d exposed themselves they’d have exposed many of us too. We preferred to avoid that risk. So we smuggled them out, yes.”