At the end of September the Red Army recaptured Smolensk; on 6 November, having made a brilliant unobserved crossing of the Dnieper, it liberated Kiev, just in time for Revolution Day. In the north, General Govorov’s planning for the final liberation of Leningrad was now almost complete. The offensive was to be three-pronged — east from the ‘Oranienbaum pocket’, into which 52,000 troops had secretly been moved, towards Peterhof and Uritsk; south from the city itself towards Pushkin and Pulkovo; and west from the Volkhov towards Novgorod. Pleading by Zhdanov secured an extra 21,600 guns, 1,475 tanks, 1,500 of the multiple rocket launchers called ‘Katyushas’ and 1,500 aircraft. With nearly twice as many men as Army Group North (1.24 million compared to von Küchler’s 741,000), more than twice as many guns, and more than four times as many tanks and planes, Govorov now had overwhelming superiority of numbers, and controlled the air so thoroughly that Red Army lorries no longer bothered to shade their headlights at night.
The attack itself began on the morning of 14 January 1944, with a massive bombardment from Oranienbaum. In thick fog, 104,000 shells were fired in an hour and five minutes. ‘We can forget about my leave’, a German officer wrote to his wife that evening. ‘Here a battle is boiling which outdoes everything we’ve seen up to now. The Russians are advancing on three sides. We’re living through hell. I can’t describe it. If I survive, I’ll tell you about it when we see each other. At the moment all I can say is one thing — wish me luck.’25 The bombardment was followed the next morning by an hour-and-forty-minute, 220,000-shell onslaught on Pulkovo. Barrage and counter-barrage stunned Leningraders, shivering plaster from ceilings, setting light fittings swaying and shaking one of the workshops at Chekrizov’s shipyard to the ground. Huddled in shelters and stairwells, they prayed that this really was the end. ‘I sat on the edge of Mama’s bed’, wrote Olga Fridenberg on the 17th:
Thunderous shelling. I looked at the clock to check the intervals [between hits]. Another crash, but this time no explosion — a dud must have hit a neighbouring building. Yet another crash, and the world reeled. We were hit. I looked up to see all the windowpanes fly out at once. And in flew the freezing January air.
Superhuman powers were born within me. I seized a winter coat, wrapped Mama up in it, and dragged her heavy bed out into the corridor, then into my own room. One of my windows was miraculously intact, and I stuffed the other with rags.26
Anna Ostroumova-Lebedeva spent the whole of the 18th and 19th in her bathroom, braced against the whistling and crashing outdoors. ‘I have to admit that the shelling throws my thoughts completely off track. In my head everything is twisted into a tight knot. Nobody can get used to this. Uncontrollable shaking overtakes me; my heart contracts. Every second you expect the shell that will end your life.’ That evening’s news bulletin made her weep for joy: Peterhof, Krasnoye Selo, Ropsha and eighty villages along the Volkhov had been freed.
Vera Inber, trying as usual to work in her room at the Erisman (‘Dear God, what a din!’), watched Red Cross buses driving back and forth from the railway stations, collecting wounded soldiers. How many, she wondered, were there in all the city hospitals put together? Surely, surely, their sacrifice could not be in vain? On the Sunday morning of 22 January — the day after Mga was liberated and von Küchler flew to the ‘Wolf’s Lair’ to demand permission to abandon Pushkin — she got a telephone call from the Writers’ Union telling her to be ready in an hour for a press tour of newly liberated Peterhof. The drive there took her through the recent battlefields. To the sides of the road, banks of rubble marked what had been villages; the fields, churned by artillery fire, were as brown as if new-ploughed. Sappers worked along a ditch with their dogs, and defused shells lay, finned and silvery, in rows on the verges, like displays of newly caught fish. Peterhof town itself was unrecognisable, a ‘strange, white, lunar’ landscape punctuated by a few fantastically shaped fragments of brick wall and a single ruined church. Rastrelli’s great baroque palace had been completely gutted by fire — it would ‘beyond human effort’, Inber immediately assumed, to restore it. On the drive home in the dark, by the light of a burning house, she saw a column of POWs. Dirty and unshaven, they were the first Germans she had seen for the whole of the war.
At eight o’clock on the evening of 27 January 1944 — four days after the last German shell fell on Leningrad — Inber made it from a Party meeting to the old riverside parade ground known as the Field of Mars just in time for the official victory salute. Parks, bridges and embankments were packed with people, mixed up with tanks and military motorbikes. From the dockyards in the west to the Smolniy in the east 324 guns fired twenty-four salvoes, flames shooting from their muzzles ‘like hellfire in old pictures’. Flares arched above the Neva, their crimson, green, blue and white reflected on the ice and on a sea of upturned faces. A searchlight picked out the gilded angel on top of the Peter and Paul spire, the beam so sharp that it seemed solid, a bridge up which one could walk to heaven. ‘The greatest event in the life of Leningrad’, Inber wrote in her diary later that night. ‘Complete liberation from the Blockade. And here, though I’m a professional writer, words fail me. I simply state that Leningrad is free.’27
Part 5. Aftermath
I don’t often visit memory
And it always surprises me.
When I descend with a lamp to the cellar,
It seems to me that a landslide
Rumbles again on the narrow stairs.
The lamp smokes, I can’t turn back
And I know that I am advancing on the enemy.
Anna Akhmatova, 1940
Sketch for a proposed memorial to the liberation of Leningrad (Aleksandr Vasilyev, February 1943)
22. Coming Home
The end, like the end of all great conflicts, left a vast silence — the silence of hushed sirens and guns, of the never-to-return missing and dead, and in Leningrad’s case, of grief and horror unexpressed, of facts falsified or left unsaid. It also meant new beginnings — militarily, of the great Soviet push to Berlin; privately, of facing up to loss and rebuilding lives; publicly, of repopulating and repairing an emptied and damaged city; politically, of new rounds of repression.
The end of the siege was not the end of the fighting. It took the Red Army only three weeks to push von Küchler’s Sixteenth and Eighteenth Armies back to the Estonian border, but until July 1944 to break the Panther Line and to expel them from the border citadel of Narva, dogged German resistance exacting a massive military death toll to book-end that of the opening months of the war. One of the fallen was Vasili Churkin’s seventeen-year-old son Tolya. In his free time, Churkin searched for his corpse, until he realised that ‘if I wanted to turn over every dead body on this little piece of ground it would take months and months. They were everywhere — along both sides of the roads, in the woods, in clearings. The Narva bridgehead was swallowing division after division.’1 In the six months from the start of Leningrad’s liberation offensive, more than 150,000 Soviet troops were killed, captured or went missing — often in the same sort of clumsy infantry charges that had cost so many lives two years earlier.2 Rejoining his men at Gatchina after Christmas home leave, Hockenjos was told ‘over and over how they had shot the Russians to bits and sent them packing — the Leningrad Guards, who attacked in large, unmissable groups, waving red flags’. Was it ‘Russian stubbornness’, he wondered, that made ‘fifty men come out of the forest in the middle of the day and march towards us through the snow across an open field’, or was it ‘the ice-cold devilry of some Commissar, sitting at the edge of the trees and sending out a company just so as to test our defences? Either way, we picked them all off easily with rifles, and didn’t even have to bother with our guns.’3