Shoot him, Cochrane orders. But Andrew then hands him a confidential letter purportedly from Jean Lafitte to General Jackson, affirming that if the British can only be led to attack those schooners first, the defense barricade will be impregnable to anything short of a full-scale artillery barrage. Shoot him! Cochrane commands, even more outraged. Andrew then asks, as his final request, a private word with the admiral and his closest aides, and as soon as the army men step outside, he draws the moral that Cochrane has not yet grasped. Let the army waste its time on the schooners (one will be abandoned and destroyed; the Baratarians will tow the other upriver to safety, from where it can strengthen the main line) and on a follow-up infantry assault, which American artillery will easily repulse, one hopes without too great loss of life. Pakenham then twice defeated, Cochrane can mount an artillery line of his own with the only heavy guns available — those from his fleet, superior in size and number to the Americans’—and make good his boast. Navy cannon will destroy the defense and most of the defenders; the marines can do the rest, with as much or little army assistance as they may require!
It is Andrew’s private hope that Pakenham’s assault will be just costly enough to persuade both commanders to await reinforcement. In fact, the Baratarians prove such excellent cannoneers that when Pakenham attacks on the 28th, his force is pinned to the mud for seven hours and obliged to a humiliating night retreat with 200 casualties, most of them dead, as against 17 on the American side. Mortified, the general accedes to “Cochrane’s” plan for an artillery duel. But it will require three days more to construct even rudimentary emplacements, while Jackson’s ditches and embankments grow daily deeper, higher, stronger, and the Americans’ morale improves with every new success…
In those three days, Andrew writes, given fair freedom of the British camp by Admiral Cochrane, I cast about for my next expedient. For tho I was assured that the Admiral’s guns, however superior, could not breach Jackson’s earthworks (in the event, all those tons of British cannonballs plough’d into the mud & but strengthen’d the walls!), and that the famous marksmanship of the Baratarians would carry the day, I was not confident that a peace would be sign’d, or we have news of it, before Army & Navy mended their differences, fetcht up their reserves, and made a mighty attempt to add Louisiana to the status quo ante bellum.
On the 29th he hears a valuable rumor: that Major General Gibbs, Pakenham’s second in command, thinks both his chief and Admiral Cochrane mad for planning to send infantry over ground so marshy that it cannot be entrenched, to cross a wide ditch (virtually a moat) and scale a high mud wall without proper fascines and ladders. Two days later he hears another: that one Lieutenant Colonel Mullens of the 44th Infantry Regiment, whose wife is among the officers’ ladies come over with the fleet, has been cuckolded by Admiral Malcolm of the Royal Oak, on which ship Mrs. Mullens is waiting out the battle; and that her husband is properly embittered by this state of affairs.
On New Year’s morning, 1815, Cochrane’s artillery mounts its barrage. The infantry await behind to make their assault as soon as Jackson’s wall is breached. Forty minutes later, so accurate is the Baratarians’ reply, half the British cannon are out of action; by afternoon the infantry must be withdrawn without ever attacking; that night the surviving ship’s guns, so toilsomely emplaced, must be toilsomely retrieved through the marsh. The Americans are jubilant and scarcely damaged; the thrice-repulsed British suffer nearly a hundred additional casualties and a great loss of face, confidence, guns, and ammunition.
Pakenham and Cochrane are now equally humiliated… but to Andrew’s distress they do not abandon the siege. Aside from the burning of Washington (in which action George Cockburn was the driving spirit) Cochrane has won no victories in this fast-concluding war; and Sir Edward Pakenham (Andrew has now learned) carries a secret commission to be the first royal governor of Louisiana. They agree to wait for the reinforcements and supplies en route from Havana and then mount an overwhelming attack from both sides of the Mississippi: if American cannon can be captured on one flank and turned against the center while fascines and scaling ladders are positioned, Jackson’s defense will be breached by sheer force of numbers. It will not be inexpensive, they agree: but the prize, and the salvaging of their reputations, is worth the cost.
I understood, writes Andrew, that my efforts to discourage them had but raised the stakes, and that as their troops grew the more disheartened, their commanders turn’d the more stubborn. Unable now to prevent a grand battle, I was obliged to see not only that it fail, but that it fail miserably, beyond that of re-enactment.
He is not surprised that, after the New Year’s Day fiasco, Cochrane no longer seeks his advice; indeed, he discreetly avoids the admiral’s sight. From those Baratarian spies among the Spanish fishermen he picks up a third valuable rumor: that Admiral Malcolm has let General Pakenham know that he will be much obliged if Lieutenant Colonel Mullens can be assigned some particularly hazardous duty in the coming action. And from the cynical foot soldiers he learns further that Pakenham has chosen his critic, General Gibbs, to lead the main assault on the American center. At Gibbs’s desperate insistence the corps of engineers is building ten-foot ladders and heavy fascines of ripe sugarcane, the only available material. Lieutenant Colonel Mullens’s 44th Regiment is under Gibbs’s command: it wants no military expertise to guess what “particularly hazardous duty” lies ahead for Mrs. Mullens’s husband, whom Andrew now befriends and apprises of the rumors current.
He was a dour, melancholical fellow, this Mullens, Andrew reports, but neither a coward nor a fool. Unsurprised & bitter as he was to learn the scheme against himself, his first thot was for his men. When his orders came down on the evening of January 7, and he was ask’d if he understood them, he reply’d: ’Twas clear as day: his regiment were order’d to their execution, to make a bridge of their bodies for Sir Edward to enter New Orleans upon.
Nevertheless, he musters his men and marches them that night toward their position, stopping en route to pick up their burden at the engineers’ redoubt. Ladders and fascines are strewn everywhere; but their makers not being among the units ordered into combat next morning, they and their officers have retired. Cursing their good fortune and his ill, Mullens goes in search of someone authorized to give him official consignment of the gear — until Andrew, who has accompanied him thus far, finds the opportunity he has sought and makes his third and final contribution to the Battle of New Orleans.
I pointed out, he reports to Andrée, that his orders specify’d taking delivery of the fascines & ladders and proceeding with them to the front, to be ready for attack at dawn. But to appropriate that equipage without a sign’d release from the engineering battalion would be to exceed his authority. If no officer was present to consign the ladders to us, I argued, the dereliction was the engineers’, not ours. We would do better to arm ourselves & take our stations for battle without the ladders, than to take the ladders without authorization.
Seductive as this logic is, Mullens fears court-martial. But dawn is approaching; they have wasted a quarter hour already at the redoubt; Andrew resolves the matter by having Mullens deputize him to find the appropriate engineering officer and bid him rouse his men to fetch the ladders and fascines forward, while Mullens sees to it the 44th are in position. Otherwise their tardiness might be imputed to lack of courage. Mullens shrugs, moves the regiment on — and Andrew does nothing.