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And the library itself? What was it like to stand in the midst of what Cassirer had compared to Prospero's stronghold? Most libraries give an impression of system­atic order, of an organization made manifest by themes or numbers or alphabetical sequences. Warburg's library shows no such system. When I visited the reconstructed reading room in Hamburg (which today holds only a small part of his volumes) and inspected the rounded shelves in the oval central chamber, the feeling I had was bewilderment; it was like standing in the middle of a for­eign city whose signposts doubtlessly meant something but whose sense I couldn't fathom. The shelves suggested to the eye an uninterrupted association of titles, not a lin­ear order with a beginning and an end. Intellectually it was possible for me to find reasons for the proximity of any two titles, but those reasons could be so varied or could seem so far-fetched that I could not relate them to any traditional sequence—such as M following L, or 2999 preceding 3000. Warburg's system was closer to that of poetic composition. Reading the verse "Bright is the ring of words" on a page offers an immediate and com­plete comprehension of the poet's vision. The reader requires no explanation; the line conveys a full and instantaneous revelation about the act of reading, through the words and the elicited music. But if the poet were explicitly to lay before us all the connecting byways and meanderings springing from his ineffable intuition as to the nature of poetry—if he tried to make all the leads and connections visible to us—such comprehension would elude us. So it is with Warburg's library.

But Warburg would not allow these connections to remain invisible, nor would he consider them except as constantly changing, so he constructed his library as a space uninterrupted by sharp angles, in which they could retain endless mobility. In a sense, his library was an attempt to disclose, in all their rawness, the bare nerves of his thought, and to allow room for his ideas to migrate and mutate and mate. If most libraries of his time resem­bled an entomologist's display case of pinned and labelled specimens, Warburg's revealed itself to the visi­tor as a child's glass-fronted ant farm.

In the spring of 1914, bending to his colleagues' pressure, Warburg decided to open his library to scholars and scholarly research, instituting as well a system of grants that would enable students to come to Hamburg and work. Fourteen years earlier he had warily mentioned the idea to his brother Max; now he returned to the vast proj­ect, and discussed its possibilities with Fritz Saxl. He did so with great reluctance because, he admitted, he loathed losing possession of the private intellectual realm he had so laboriously created. And yet he realized that this open­ing up of the library was the necessary next step in his attempt to chart the intricate symbolic heritage of humankind, "the afterlife of the ancient world."224

But the First World War put a temporary end to these plans. In the midst of the bleakness and confusion of the time, Warburg, who had suffered intermittently from anxiety and depression since his childhood, began to intuit a bleak concordance between his mental state and the state of the world. "Like a seismograph, his sensitive nerves had already recorded the underground tremors to which others remained utterly deaf," wrote one of his contemporaries.225 Warburg now saw his search for con­nections between our earliest symbolic representations of irrational impulses and fears, and later artistic manifesta­tions of those symbols, as a tension reflected in his own mental struggles. He had wanted to believe that science would eventually, by chronicling the metamorphoses of our phobic reflexes, find rationally apprehensible expla­nations for our primordial emotional experiences. Instead, he realized, science had constructed as the latest avatar an even more advanced machinery of war, with its mustard gas and deadly trenches.

In one of his fragments (to which he had appended the exorcism "You live and do me no harm"226) he wrote the following: "We are in the age of Faust, in which the mod­ern scientist endeavours—between magic practice and mathematics—to conquer the realm of reflective reason through an increased awareness of the distance between the self and the external world."227 The end of the war in 1918 brought him little relief. Two years later the distance seemed, in his eyes, to have vanished almost completely.

In 1920, facing the prospect of opening his library to a scholarly public, and unable to sustain the mental anguish any more, Warburg entered the famous clinic of the Swiss doctors Otto and Ludwig Binswanger in Kreuzlingen, where Friedrich Nietzsche had been treated thirty years earlier.228 He remained there until 1924. "Why," he asked then, "does fate consign a creative human being to the realm of eternal unrest, leaving it up to him to choose where his intellectual upbringing will take place: whether in hell, purgatory or paradise?"229

His time at the clinic was one of slow recovery and attempts at reassembly, as he tried to put together his scattered mind, fragmented as it was into thousands of images and piecemeal notes. "God is in the details," he liked repeating. And yet he felt—like Rousseau, who had said, "I die in details"—that he could no longer gather the many strands of image and thought he had once pursued. But under Dr. Binswanger's care he began to feel whole again, and in 1923 he asked whether the authorities would release him if he could prove his mental stability. He suggested speaking to the clinic's patients, and on April 23 he delivered a lecture on native serpent rituals he had witnessed in North America as a young man. In a journal note he made at the time, he remarked that he saw himself as Perseus, slayer of the serpent-headed Medusa, who avoided staring directly into the poisonous monster's eyes by looking at her reflection in his shield. He also noted that, in the Middle Ages, Perseus had been debased from hero to mere fortune-teller, to be rescued only later, during the Renaissance, as a symbol of heroic humanity.230

When Warburg left the clinic in 1924, he discovered that Saxl, in agreement with Warburg's family, had finally transformed the library into the projected research centre.

The change, however much he had foreseen it, troubled him greatly and made him feel diminished; "Warburg redux," he signed one of his letters at the time. And yet the transformation also seemed to fill him with "an almost awe-inspiring energy," and he set himself to work once again, under these new conditions, amidst his beloved books.

It would be obvious to any visitor walking into Warburg's library that, from its very conception, his cre­ation was essentially a visual one. The shape of the shelves, the associated titles they housed, the pictures and photographs that littered the rooms, all spoke of his concern with the physical representation of ideas and symbols. The sources of his questions were images; books allowed him to reflect on these images, and pro­vided words to bridge the silence between them. Memory, that key word in Warburg's vocabulary, meant above all the memory of images.

Warburg's unfinished and unfinishable project was the great iconographic sequence he called Mnemosyne, a vast collection of images that charted, across a tapestry of connections, the many trails the scholar had been following. But how to display these images? How to place them in front of him so that they could be studied in sequence, but a sequence that could be varied accord­ing to new ideas and newly perceived connections? The solution to this problem came from Saxl. Upon Warburg's return to Hamburg, Saxl met him with large wooden panels, like standing blackboards, across which he had stretched black hessian. Warburg's images could be fixed with pins on the cloth, and easily removed whenever he wanted to alter their position. These giant displays, "pages" of an endless book of variable sequence, became the core of all Warburg's activities in the last years of his life. Since he could change both the panels and the images on them at will, they became the physical illustration of his realm of thought and his library, to which he appended streams of notes and comments. "These images and words are intended as help for those who come after me in their attempt to achieve clarity," he wrote, "and thus to overcome the tragic tension between instinctive magic and discursive logic. They are the confessions of an (incurable) schizoid, deposited in the archives of mental healers."231 In fact, Saxl's panels—a book of giant shifting pages—restored to Warburg, up to a point, his lost private space; they were a private domain that helped him recover some of his mental health.