Without looking directly at the Russian politician, Shakhar raised his arm and motioned for Yegor Pavlinsky to take a seat on the opposite side of the conference table. Pavlinsky quietly sat down and folded his hands on the table.
Shakhar, an intractable and humorless man with a permanently furrowed brow, stiffened ever so slightly before he sat. His pinched eyes were deep brown, and when he became irritated or excited, the right one tended to turn inward. A dangerous and unpredictable man, Shakhar’s complex character reflected generous portions of aggression, grandiosity, paranoia, and narcissism. The combination of traits was accentuated by a total lack of conscience.
Muffled sounds of jeers and shouts from Shakhar’s growing league of followers permeated the building. “Death to the Americans!” the crowd of Islamic militants chanted while they burned a dozen U.S. flags. “Death to the enemies of Islam!” Acting on the orders of Shakhar, the fanatical throngs of anti-American militants were creating factional violence not seen since the revolution in 1979.
Additional devoted followers, estimated at 17,000 and rapidly growing, were venomously protesting against America in various countries, including Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Kenya, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Kosovo, Montenegro, Macedonia, Sudan, Libya, Bosnia, Yemen, Egypt, the Philippines, Chechnya, and Malaysia.
Bassam Shakhar, one of the masterminds behind a series of terrorist bombings and hero to legions of Islamic fundamentalists, was a strong advocate of using terrorism to drive the United States military out of Saudi Arabia and the entire Persian Gulf region. To expedite his ambitious plans, the murderous psychopath had developed a growing infrastructure to train and indoctrinate hard-core terrorists, including a sizable cadre of “throwaway agents” known as suicide bombers.
A powerful figure in Iran, Shakhar had openly and loudly declared that the United States was “the enemy of the Islamic Republic” and called for the Iranian leadership to reject any dialogue with Washington. He had gone on to explain that “talks or relations with the United States would have no benefit for the Iranian people.” He had concluded his bitter remarks by reminding his vast audience about the 1988 shoot-down of an Iranian jetliner by a U.S. Navy cruiser, then blamed Washington for another incident in which fifty-two Americans were held hostage for 444 days.
Determined to bring America to its knees, Shakhar later used state-run radio and television, along with major newspapers, to declare a personal jihad against U.S. military personnel in the Gulf region. Three weeks after his announcement, he and members of the Iranian secret police planned and supervised a car bombing in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, that killed six American advisers to the Saudi National Guard.
Emboldened by the results of the Riyadh attack, Shakhar provided financial backing to the terrorists who bombed the barracks building in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, that killed nineteen members of the U.S. Air Force and wounded 386 servicemen.
While the Pentagon was shifting U.S. air operations from Dhahran to other bases with better security, Shakhar continued to use the conservative newspaper Islamic Republic (Jomhuri Islami) to threaten U.S. military forces and their commander in chief. Using Islamic newspapers based in London and newspapers in Egypt, Libya, the Philippines, Italy, and Jordan, Shakhar urged Arab leaders to unite in a jihad against the “master of the world.”
Undeterred by the “Great Satan’s” power projection in the Gulf, Bassam Shakhar was eager to take his personal war to the shores of the United States. In an interview broadcast live by CNN, the international financier boldly promised to use his vast resources to terrorize the heartland of America if all U.S. military forces were not withdrawn from the Arabian Peninsula. Shakhar ended the interview by calling the American president a coward and a bully. His vituperative rhetoric panicked conservative emirs, crown princes, kings, and sheiks in the Middle East.
With the CIA-based Counter Terrorism Center tracking a number of his terrorist cells, Shakhar became enraged when one of his deputies suggested that Shakhar’s satellite telephone calls were being monitored by U.S. reconnaissance spacecraft.
Five weeks later, with the approval of his consultative council (majlis al shura) Shakhar supported another major terrorist organization in their bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, that killed more than 250 people. On the heels of the bombing, Saddam Hussein sent word that he would back Shakhar with money and weapons to terrorize the U.S. military.
Less than two weeks after the tragic bombings, the United States Navy launched a barrage of cruise missiles on suspected terrorist infrastructure and related facilities in Sudan and Afghanistan.
As tensions mounted in the Gulf region, the American president reinforced his commitment to “dual containment” of the “pariah” states, Iraq and Iran. He delivered a stern warning to both countries; U.S. forces were going to keep them in check, and the U.S. military was going to maintain a long-term presence in the Arabian deserts and Persian Gulf waters.
Saddam Hussein, enraged by the dressing-down from his nemesis, and determined to avenge his humiliation in the Persian Gulf War, decided to test the resolve of the United Nations and the United States. He expelled the UN arms inspectors who were attempting to investigate his biological and chemical weapons capability and threatened to shoot down U-2 reconnaissance planes.
Saddam, convinced that U.S. military forces were shallow in depth, overextended, and demoralized, had laid the groundwork for a new kind of terrorist game: the cat-and-mouse search for secret weapons of mass destruction.
After a whirlwind of diplomatic endeavors, overt threats, and, finally, an agreement to end the standoff brokered by the United Nations secretary-general, Saddam decided to put the diabolical genie back into the bottle for the moment. However, Hussein had never conceded defeat in the Gulf War and he fully intended to continue causing headaches for the White House and the Pentagon.
As usual, Saddam proved to be a predictably unpredictable foe. He strongly condemned UN sanctions and the United States government, then invited the UN arms inspectors to leave. The dustup culminated in U.S.-British airstrikes on Iraq.
Shortly after the operation was canceled, Saddam demanded that the United States and Britain end their “illegal” patrols over the “no-fly” zones in northern Iraq and south of Baghdad. When the demand was ignored, Iraqi surface-to-air missile systems began “illuminating” coalition aircraft patrolling the northern zone. Saddam’s game of constant torment was clearly designed to erode the will of the UN and the U.S. to continue sanctions against Iraq and to maintain a military presence in the region.
Listening to the muffled chants from the militants in the street, Yegor Pavlinsky kept his gaze level and his expression pleasantly gentle. Get straight to the point. “Our countries could greatly benefit if we could collectively take advantage of the opportunities in the Gulf region.”
Motionless and frowning, Bassam Shakhar quietly stared at the center of Pavlinsky’s forehead.
“Unfortunately,” Pavlinsky went on, “the presence of the U.S. military is having an adverse effect on the economy of both our countries. From our previous conversations, it is my understanding that you have been working on a plan to drive the Americans out of the region.”
“Is your country,” Shakhar began slowly, “prepared to assist me with my assault on America?”