Waiting for Macklin were Pete Adair, Hartwell Prost, and General Les Chalmers. The president paused, casting a glance at each individual at the table. “I’m declaring a state of national emergency.”
Silently, the men exchanged concerned looks.
Macklin looked straight at Adair and Prost. “Use your own judgment in deploying the Reserves and the National Guard, but secure all military installations. I want all of our bases at ‘Threatcon Alpha’ and I want a massive security clampdown at sensitive federal installations, including nuclear weapons labs. Also, use whatever means you need to surround every airport that has scheduled air service.”
In the heat of the moment Adair kept his skepticism to himself. “We better include seaports,” he said in a tight, nervous voice.
“Do whatever you think is appropriate,” the president said, then changed the subject. “From the ATC tapes and the descriptions from eyewitnesses at the hotel and the airport, the FBI has confirmed that our information from Dalton was right. Khaliq Farkas was one of the two men who were involved in sabotaging the communications in Atlanta. And, in their panic, they left their radios and other equipment at the Marriott.”
Macklin’s facial muscles grew rigid. “The first thing I intend to do is declare war on terrorism, and the states that support them. I’m going to carry the war straight back to the people who have sponsored Farkas and Ramazani and the rest of the lunatics.”
Prost looked uneasy, but remained silent.
The president glanced at Prost, then continued. “I intend to demonstrate to the leaders who use, sponsor, or protect terrorists that they will pay a deadly price for their misdeeds. I may not be able to prevent all the terrorist attacks, but I can sure as hell put the fear of God in their sponsors.”
The president took a deep breath and slowly exhaled. “This evening, I’m going to make my case to the American people. Congress — for the most part — will follow the polls. I will emphasize that my actions to combat terrorism will be carried out in a manner consistent with our nation’s laws, values, and interests. I intend to underscore our basic premise; those who would attack the United States, or her citizens, can expect swift and devastating retribution.”
Lighting his cigar, Macklin studied Prost and Adair. “I’m going to instruct the secretary of state to notify the Iranians, the Lebanese, the Afghans, and the Syrians — through the Swiss and other allies — that Tehran, Beirut, Kabul, and Damascus are to close every single terrorist training camp in their countries in the next seventy-two hours. If they aren’t closed by the appointed time, I will destroy the camps and any form of opposition we encounter.”
Prost had a question. “What about the Palestinian Authority, Libya, and the other rogue states that support terrorism?”
“The secretary of state will send a diplomatic message to Libya informing them that within seventy-two hours they must close all terrorist training camps, expel all terrorists from Libya, and cease construction on their chemical and biological weapons plants. If they don’t comply, we’ll eradicate their camps and weapons facilities.”
The president puffed on his cigar. “The same for the Palestinian Authority. Either dismantle the terrorist wings of Hamas and Islamic Jihad, or the United States will do it for you — and it isn’t open for discussion.”
Prost glanced at Macklin, then surveyed the other men. “Another matter we need to address is the Sudanese. What the Barbary Coast was for pirates, Sudan has become for terrorists. I recommend the same time frame for them to close every terrorist camp under their control, or they’ll feel the brunt of American military power.”
“I’m in complete agreement,” Macklin said evenly. “Is there anyone who doesn’t support this course of action?”
Silence engulfed the room.
Macklin turned to his SecDef. “Pete, I’d like your assessment.”
“For the most part, I concur. If the sponsor states fail to comply with our demands, I strongly recommend that we use conventional cruise missiles on the first round of attacks. However, I have to add a caveat.”
The president’s eyes narrowed. “Let’s hear it.”
“If the terrorism continues, we better be ready to use our ‘bunker busters’ to destroy their high-value underground complexes, like Libya’s chemical weapons plant at Tarhuna and the deep caves in the mountains of Afghanistan.”
“Whatever it takes,” Macklin said firmly.
“After the Gulf War,” Adair continued, “most everyone in the region buried their most important assets, made their weapons more mobile, and fabricated triple-redundant communications systems. It’s going to take more than conventional weapons to destroy them.”
“As I said, whatever it takes.” Macklin turned his attention to General Chalmers. “Do you have any reservations about using the B61s?”
Chalmers hesitated a moment, thinking about the wisdom of deploying the new, needle-shaped, earth-penetrating hydrogen bombs. Packaged in depleted uranium 30 percent heavier than lead, the 340-kiloton warheads would detonate three to six meters below the surface, creating a massive shock wave capable of obliterating targets hundreds of meters wide and hundreds of meters deep.
Weapons experts believed that most of the radiation would be contained underground, if the slender bomb impacted at the proper angle and velocity. If the angle of entry was too shallow, the bomb could slice under the ground, then skip back out and cause extensive collateral damage from a surface blast.
Chalmers quietly cleared his throat. “Using nuclear weapons is a high-risk option, but I’m confident that we can achieve the desired results without contaminating too much surface damage.”
Macklin gazed steadily into Chalmers’s eyes. “What kind of surface damage are we talking about?”
“Depending on the wind conditions, it’s possible that lethal radiation could be spread over eight to ten square miles.”
“Mr. President,” Prost said with a pained expression. “The International Court of Justice has ruled that any threat or use of nuclear weapons, other than where the very survival of a nation is threatened, is against international law.”
“When our country is being invaded by terrorists,” Macklin said drolly, “I supersede the court.”
“You might want to reconsider,” Prost advised.
“Understand this very clearly,” the president retorted in a strained voice. “I am going to put a major damper on those thugs.”
Unfazed by the harsh treatment, Hartwell’s expression remained the same. “It’s your choice, sir.”
“You’re damn right it is,” Macklin exclaimed, and turned to face General Chalmers. “Put the Fifth Fleet on alert and have the Roosevelt battle group ready for action.”
“Yessir.”
“I’d also like for you and the Joint Chiefs to give Secretary Adair and me an up-to-date target list in twenty-four hours.”
“You’ll have it in twelve hours,” Chalmers said with great enthusiasm. “I’ll be here at 0730.”
“I’ll be expecting you,” the president said evenly. “Meeting adjourned.”
When Macklin rose from his chair, Prost caught his eye. “Can you spare a few minutes?”
“Sure,” Macklin said as he puffed on his cigar. “Let’s get out of this hole. I need some fresh air.”
Ignoring the sage advice of the section chief of the Presidential Detail, the commander in chief and Hartwell Prost sat down in rocking chairs near the South Portico. Macklin was a stationary target for any madman with a high-powered rifle. Add a scope to a weapon having a muzzle velocity high enough for hunting elephants, and the assassin could be miles away before anyone could figure out where the round came from.