The general burst out laughing; the quip was typical Rhee. “All right, you rogue, I’ll endorse your recommendation to General Yeon. You go and stop the civil war.”
Tae waited patiently as the South Korean colonel was obviously having an animated conversation with this superior. After several long minutes, the two colonels started walking back toward Tae and his men. The general’s anxiousness grew with each step, but he waited for Rhee to come to a stop. Then calmly, Tae asked, “Well, Colonel Rhee Han-gil, what will it be?”
Rhee stepped forward and offered his hand. “We accept your terms, General.”
General Thomas Fascione sat silently at the head of the conference room table. The USFK chief of staff, Major General O’Rourke, and deputy, General Park Joon-ho, were seated next to him; both men fidgeted in discomfort as General Yeon Min-soo, the ROK Army chief of staff, ranted in a fierce tirade — the man was livid.
“How dare that man obligate us to a truce without proper consultation from the president! And Kwon — he should have known better! This is typical Special Forces behavior; they think they can operate outside the rules that apply to everyone else!”
Fascione stood up abruptly. His face betrayed his irritation. “I really don’t understand what the problem is, General Yeon. Based on everything I’ve been told, Colonel Rhee’s actions achieved what was in the best interests of the Republic of Korea — no, correction, the new unified Korea.”
Yeon’s face became tighter as he restrained himself from looking up at the towering American general. “He’s a colonel, General Fascione, and he doesn’t have the authority to commit the Republic of Korea to a truce with the likes of that criminal Tae! Nor does General Kwon! The idea of integrating the KPA into our military structure, even if Tae is willing to place himself under our command, is simply unacceptable.”
“Perhaps I’m just an ‘Ugly American’ who doesn’t appreciate the Confucian hierarchy that your culture finds so endearing, General,” began Fascione, his nostrils flaring. “But from where I come from, the mission comes first! Your government is entitled to make its own decisions on how to deal with the former KPA troops, of course. But if I were you, I’d suggest not repeating the same mistakes we made in Iraq with the de-Baathification policy. We’re still paying for that bonehead maneuver.”
The screen was filled with a sea of multicolored lanterns flowing down the street. In the background were several large floats depicting various images of Buddha. South Korean flags waved everywhere, and the sound of firecrackers could be heard echoing in the background. Given the size and festiveness of the throng, one could be forgiven thinking it was New Year’s Day, or even the Buddha birthday celebration. It was neither; the official announcement from the Blue House of Pyongyang’s capitulation had been made only thirty minutes earlier. The spontaneous rejoicing was the emotional outpouring of a people that had waited decades for this moment — the reunification of Korea.
Sitting at her news anchor desk, Catherine Donner watched in awe as thousands of Koreans sang, shouted, or chanted their joy in downtown Seoul. As soon as the video clip was done, she turned toward the camera and began reading her script.
“All of Seoul, a city of ten million, erupted into celebration immediately after President An Kye-nam announced that the North Korean capital of Pyongyang had been captured by ROK Army units during the early morning hours. YouTube and other social media outlets show similar celebrations throughout the Republic of Korea. In essence, the country is throwing one great big party, and not without justification.
“After nearly seventy years, and two wars, the divided halves of Korea are becoming one. And while the beginning of the reunification process is indeed a cause for festivities, it is only the start of what will undoubtedly be a lengthy, and arduous integration, particularly since these two countries have long harbored hostile feelings toward each other.
“While there will unquestionably be bumps along the road, President An’s opening remarks that the Republic of Korea will not make the same mistakes that America did in Iraq, was an encouraging and refreshing start. Still, there are reports of continued fighting between the former Korean People’s Army and Chinese army units to the north of Pyongyang. State Department officials declined to make any comments, stating that negotiations were continuing with Beijing.”
Chapter 16 — Reaction
“Are we prisoners here?” Ye Dong-soo didn’t waste any time. The big, weathered farmer had been appointed by the rapidly growing crowd outside Kary’s tent as their spokesman, not that they needed him to articulate their position. They all wanted to go home.
There was no way to answer Ye’s question directly. “Yes” was untrue, and “no” would be treated as a denial of what seemed obvious to him.
He was frustrated, heading for angry, but Kary tried her best to answer emotion with reason. “If you go north, the army will stop you at the border. The government has declared all of the former DPRK as a war zone. They have a huge problem taking care of the people that are still there, and deserting KPA soldiers are preying on civilians. And where there was fighting, there are damaged roads and unexploded shells…”
Ye hardly listened. “We heard all that yesterday, from the general in that long-winded speech! But Pyongyang has surrendered. There may be fighting in the north, but our village is well south of there. We are trapped here, while the Southern army loots and burns our homes!”
Kary was surprised at the accusation. “That’s simply—”
“We’ve seen the pictures on the broadcasts. Whole streets in Chorwon were on fire!”
“That’s from the fighting,” she insisted.
“Nobody’s putting out the fires. We have to get back to protect our homes. And my crops should be harvested.”
She persisted. “There’s no transport to take you back. Every truck in the army is taking soldiers or supplies north.”
“That’s a lie!’ he countered angrily. “There’s a whole row of trucks at the base, right next to the camp. Give them to us, if you don’t want to do it yourselves.” Ye was almost pleading now.
“The motor pool?” Kary asked. “They aren’t mine to give. Besides, how many can each one hold? Fifteen? Twenty? How many people are in this camp? When it’s finally time for you to return, the army will send hundreds of trucks.”
He didn’t look convinced. She tried a different tack. “Please, Ye Dong-soo-ssi, you know I’m helping people reunite with their relatives here in the South. Individuals and families are leaving the camps every day.”
“Yes, a handful at a time,” Ye argued. “The trucks would be quicker.” He threw up his hands in frustration. “Walking would be quicker.”
“It’s what I can do,” Kary insisted. “Colonel Little said my job was to care for you and your countrymen — food, shelter, better medical care than you’ve ever had. And I’ve added more: classes for the children, and any adults willing to go.”
“Propaganda,” Ye grumbled. But he was calming down. “Everyone here took terrible risks to come south because a civil war is no place for a family. We are grateful for what you have given to us, but it’s time to go home!” His emotions boiled up again, and he slapped the table for emphasis.