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always of a milieu, a culture, a nation, whose voice, conscious and

unconscious, the artist was, a function without which he became

trivial and worthless, and in _the context of which alone his own personality possessed any significance. None of this would have been denied by his Slavophil opponents: their disagreements lay elsewhere.

And yet, despite his historicism-common to all romantics- Belinsky

does not belong to those whose main purpose and skill consist in a

careful critical or historical analysis of artistic phenomena, in relating

a work of art or an artist to a precise social background, analysing

specific influences upon his work, examining and describing the

methods which he uses, providing psychological or historical explanations of the success or failure of the particular .effects which he achieves. Belinsky did indeed now and then perform such tasks; and

was, in effect, the first and greatest of Russian literary historians. But

he detested detail and had no bent for scrupulous scholarship; he read

unsystematically and widely; he read and read in a feverish, frantic

way until he could bear it no longer, and then he wrote. This gives

his writing an unceasing vitality, but it is scarcely the stuff of which

balanced scholarship is made. Yet his criticism of the eighteenth century

is not as blind and sweeping as his detractors have maintained. His

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work i n assigning their due place to earlier Russian writers (for

example, Tredyakovsky, Khemnitser, Lomonosov, Fonvizin and

Dmitriev), and in particular his pages on the poet Derzhavin and the

fabulist Krylov, are a model of insight and lucid judgment. And he

did kill the reputations of a number of eighteenth-century mediocrities

and imitators once and for all.

But a capacity for lasting literary verdicts is not where his genius

lay. His unique quality as a literary critic, the quality which he

possessed to a degree scarcely equalled by anyone in the west, is the

astonishing freshness and fuUness with which he reacts to any and

every literary impression, whether of style or of content, and the

passionate devotion and scruple with which he reproduces and paints

in words the vivid original character, the colour and shape, above all

the moral quality of his direct impressions. His life, his whole being,

went into the attempt to seize the essence of the literary experience

which he was at any given moment trying to convey. He had an

exceptional capacity both for understanding and for articulating, but

what distinguished him from other, at least in this respect equally

gifted, critics, Sainte-Beuve for example, or Matthew Arnold, was

that his vision was wholly direct-there is, as it were, nothing between

him and the object. Several of his contemporaries, among them

Turgenev, noted an almost physical likeness to a hawk or a falcon:

and indeed he used to pounce upon a writer like a bird of prey, and

tear him limb from limb until he had said all he had to say. His

expositions were often too prolix, the style is uneven and sometimes

tedious and involved; his education was haphazard, and his words

have little elegance and little intrinsic magic. But when he has found

himself, when he is dealing with an author worthy of him, whether

he is praising or denouncing, speaking of ideas and attitudes to life,

or of prosody and idiom, the vision is so intense, he has so much to

say, and says it in so first-hand a fashion, the experience is so vivid

and conveyed with such uncompromising and uninterrupted force,

that the effect of his words is almost as powerful and unsettling

today as it was upon his own contemporaries. He himself said that

no one could understand a poet or a thinker who did not for a time

become wholly immersed in his world, letting himself be dominated

by his outlook, identified with his emotions; who did not, in short,

try to live through the writer's experiences, beliefs, and convictions.

In this way he did in fact 'live through' the influence of Shakespeare

and Pushkin, Gogo) and George Sand, Schiller and Hegel, and as he

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changed his spiritual domicile he altered his attitude and denounced

what he had previously praised, and praised what he had previously

denounced. Later critics have accused him of being a chameleon, a

sensitive surface which reflected too much and altered too quickly,

an unreliable guide, without a permanent core of inner principle, too

impressionable, too undisciplined, vivid and eloquent, but without a

specific, firm, critical personality, without a definite approach or an

identifiable point of view. But this is unjust, and none of his contemporaries who knew him best would have begun to understand such a judgement. If ever there lived a man of rigorous, indeed overrigorous, and narrow principle, dominated all his life by a remorseless, never-ceasing, fanatical passion for the truth, unable to compromise

or adapt himself, even for a short time and superficially, to anything

which he did not wholly and utterly believe, it was Belinsky. 'If a

man does not alter his views about life and art, it is because he is devoted

to his own vanity rather than to the truth,' he said. Belinsky radically

altered his opinions twice, each time after a painful crisis. On each

occasion he suffered with an intensity which Russians seem particularly

capable of conveying by the use of words, and he gave a full account

of it, principally in his letters, the most moving in the Russian language.

Those who have read them will know what I mean by the heroic

quality of his grimly undeviating, perpetually self-scrutinising honesty

of mind and feeling.

Belinsky held several intellectual positions in his life, and turned

from one to another and exhausted each to the uttermost until, with

great tormenting effort, he would liberate himself from it, to begin

the struggle over again. He arrived at no final or consistent outlook,

and the efforts by tidy-minded biographers to divide his thought into

three or more distinct 'periods', each neatly self-contained and coherent,

ignore too many facts: Belinsky is always 'relapsing' towards earlier,

'abandoned', positions; his consistency was moral, not intellectual. He

began to philosophise in the mid- I 8 30s, as a young man of twentythree, with that disgust and sense of being asphyxiated by the police state of Nicholas I which all young intellectuals with hearts and

consciences felt, and he adopted the philosophy then preacheJ by the

young Moscow philosophers, Stankevich and Bakunin, to whose

circle he belonged. Idealism was a reaction to the grim suppression

which followed the abortive Decembrist revolt in 1 825. The young

Russian intellectuals, encouraged as they were to go to Germany

rather than to Louis Philippe's dangerously fermenting France,

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returned full of German metaphysics. Life on earth, material existence,