Nazarbayeva passed through.
‘Meeeeeeeeep.’
She searched her pockets again, but immediately understood what the issue was.
“My left boot, Comrade Mayor.”
She slipped the boot off and, in one deft movement, flicked it to the feet of the NKVD officer. A number of those present took the opportunity to inspect her left foot, or rather, the absence of it, an injury she had suffered whilst fighting in the Crimea.
Steadying herself on the metal detector, she hobbled back round and through.
The Geffchen & Richter detector remained silent.
Picking up her boot, the NKVD Major in charge of the process slipped his hand inside, immediately finding the L-shaped metal support that helped Nazarbayeva to walk properly. He quickly looked the boot over inside and out.
“Comrade General.”
He held the boot out to the GRU officer, who took it, dropped it to the floor, and had her ‘foot’ inside it in the blink of an eye.
Moving on, Nazarbayeva found herself much in demand, as both Bagramyan and Zhukov descended on her for the very latest information.
Everyone who was anyone in the upper echelons of the command apparatus seemed to be present to hear the delivery of the GKO approved plan for the coming months.
Whilst not totally on board with all its details, Zhukov had managed to steer Stalin and his committee away from some of the more disastrous ideas.
After receiving the most up-to-date information from the various intelligence agencies, projected figures for reinforcements and manufacturing output, expectations on oil production and personnel training, Zhukov started to paint a picture of a Red Army still capable of winning the present conflict, albeit with much more difficulty than had been presented to the same assembly before the tanks had started rolling westwards again.
To a man, and woman, the listeners were sceptical on the promises given about air cover, and how the struggling Red Air Force would start to combat Allied supremacy in the air and provide an umbrella under which the army could operate effectively. Much was expected of the new generation of aircraft, and a speeded up training programme for flight crew.
Novikov, commander of the Air Force, started quoting figures for available aircraft that resembled pre-war levels, and boasted of new types of jet aircraft that would soon be knocking Allied piston-engine craft from the skies.
His hands, like those of Zhukov and others, were tied, and he either went with the GKO plan exhibiting confidence and enthusiasm, or he would be counting trees in Siberia at the very best.
The master plan involved a great deal of maskirovka, as was to be expected, with formations demonstrating their hostile intent on the Norwegian border and Iran.
The upcoming insurrection in Greece would be provided with as much materiel support as possible, ensuring a further diversion of Allied resources.
Soviet forces working alongside the Japanese would be encouraged to be more active, something that Vasilevsky had railed against until his position was almost untenable.
Yugoslavia’s position had been clarified by a secret trip, undertaken by Molotov himself, and it was Yugoslavia herself that would offer most of the support to the Greek Communists.
However, whilst volunteers would continue to serve with the Red Army, there would be no change in Tito’s stance, meaning that Yugoslavian borders would be heavily policed and any violations would not be tolerated.
NKVD and GRU reports were careful to state what was known and what was surmised, and both drew conclusions that enemy eyes were mainly focussed on the Baltic States, although evidence of an intensification of the bomber offensive across the whole of Europe was clear.
Stalin, knowing that she would not be able to stop herself, asked Nazarbayeva what she thought was planned.
“Comrade General Secretary, all the evidence and suspicion would point towards Northern Norway and the Baltic States for some sort of military offensive operations, although the former can only be limited in size and nature. There are other clues that simply don’t fit into the whole but, our comrades in the NKVD agree, the best interpretation of all the intelligence we have received is that there will be an invasion of the Baltic States. When, we don’t know, but there are no indicators to suggest that any action is imminent.”
Admiral Isakov chipped in with his contribution, assuring the ensemble that the coasts of the three states, as well as higher up the Gulf of Bothnia, and the Polish coast, had all been extensively mined, and that his small but veteran fleet was ready to resist any invaders.
A question on the state of the Finns drew Molotov into the discussion.
“The Finns are and will remain neutral, to all intents and purposes. They have reiterated their stance to us, and the Allies, and Admiral Isakov can confirm, have further mined their coastline to protect from any incursion. Comrades, Finland is neutral for now.”
Then it was the turn of the Swedes, and Nazarbayeva was invited to speak.
“Comrade General Secretary, the Swedes appear to have been very active in protecting their borders, and there have been confirmed sinkings of Allied vessels, and shootings down of aircraft. It would certainly seem that the Swedish intend to remain neutral.”
Stalin had noticed something in her words but let it go, just for the moment.
Zhukov sought more information from Beria.
“Comrade Marshal, apart from Norway and the Baltic, we expect ground attacks, accompanied by increased air activity, throughout Europe. We have not yet identified a specific axis of attack.”
Rummaging in his briefcase, Beria produced a document and handed it to Stalin, immediately following with a copy to Zhukov.
His eyes engaged momentarily with Nazarbayeva. He smiled briefly and carried on.
“These are the units identified as likely to lead any major Allied attacks. We have good locations on all of them, and they are well spread around the continent. There does appear to be some new concentration of Amerikanski units in France and Alsace, to the north of Switzerland. The similar grouping of prime British units on the North German plain is to be expected of course.”
Placing the paper on the table, he removed his glasses and started to polish them.
“Information on the Second Allied Army Group is limited, but some veteran formations we thought destroyed have surfaced within its order of battle. Neither the GRU, nor ourselves, can expand the present knowledge at this time.”
Beria publically advertised his penetration of GRU organisation, much to Nazarbayeva’s annoyance, and Stalin’s amusement.
“The reforming German Army is another matter, and we have identified new forces in Holland, Southern France and the Italian Alps. Reports state that they are equipped from captured weapon stocks, therefore both NKVD and GRU believe we should treat these reformed units in the same way as before we marched into Berlin.”
Nazarbayeva took advantage of Beria’s intake of breath to get her own comment in.
“Comrade General Secretary, whilst Comrade Beria is, in general, correct, GRU believes that these reformed units may pose a bigger problem than previously.”
Beria’s look cut through the air, and Nazarbayeva met it with soft eyes that concealed the hardness she was feeling for the NKVD Chairman.
“There is no evidence for such a suggestion, and remember how hard the green bastards fought in any case.”
The conversation had suddenly become private in a room full of people, something everyone realised and decided not to interrupt, even Stalin.
“It seems a simple deduction to me, Comrade Marshal.”