"The CIA's intermediary cutout called an agency crisis line from Vienna. Seems that the general was in midsentence when the conversation was terminated. Our Vienna connection believes that the KGB has the general in custody. And we have no knowledge as to how he confirmed this information."
"Damn," Truesdell said, "we knew that the KGB had been suspicious. Voronoteev had relayed that concern when he gave us the MiG-29 data."
"Well," Jarrett replied, "it's water under the bridge. Norm Lasharr believed we needed to use the general and I agreed. Now, we have an explosive situation on our hands, and I want your suggestions."
"Mister President," Gaines said, shifting uneasily in his chair, "I'm not sure we should continue with the CIA probe into San Julian."
"Why not?" Jarrett inquired before he swallowed a sip of water.
"We already have confirmation that the aircraft is on Cuban soil," Gaines replied uncomfortably. "I believe we are asking for trouble if something goes wrong."
"If our agent is caught?" Kerchner questioned.
"Precisely," the lawyer-turned-security specialist replied in a firm tone. "The Soviets can use that to set up a hell of a smoke screen. My recommendation is that we confront the Kremlin, and Castro, diplomatically, and provide a face-saving solution for the return of our bomber, and the crew."
"I don't agree," Truesdell responded before the president could speak. "If we don't have positive proof of the exact location of the Stealth, the Kremlin will deny the accusations and buy a lot of time to scrutinize the bomber. Sure, they realize that we know the B-2 is in Cuba, but what the hell are we going to do about it? We can't prove a damned thing."
"Bernie?" the president asked.
"Sir, I have to agree with Kirk. We have to verify the location of the B-2, then confront the Kremlin and Castro. We've got to work both ends of this problem and force Castro to break the logjam."
The defense secretary sat up in his chair and cleared his throat before continuing. "We've spent years developing the Stealth technology, not to mention billions of dollars. We can't afford to lose our technological edge to the Soviets. Castro is providing a shelter for the hijacked airplane, and we must inform him of our intent to recover or destroy the B-2."
Truesdell glanced at Gaines, then turned to Jarrett. "Bernie is right, sir," the vice president said. "We must do our homework, then demand the safe return of the Stealth and her crew — immediatelyor Soviet President Ignatyev and Castro will face the consequences."
Jarrett sat quietly for a moment, analyzing the suggestions. "What sort of consequences did you have in mind, Kirk?"
"First, sir," Truesdell began tentatively, "we need to address the Castro issue. We have to know what his position is in relation to the hijacked bomber now hidden somewhere on his island. Castro's relations with the Kremlin turned sour long before Ignatyev surfaced, and they have continued to decline since."
"That's true," Gaines broke in, "but we need to consider an approach to a diplomatic solution."
"Mister Gaines," Truesdell replied sharply, visibly irritated. "Wait a minute. I am proposing that we place two carrier groups close to Cuba, have a battleship stand by to move in as soon as the B-2 is located, then explain our position to Castro and to the Kremlin."
"Kirk," the president said, "I'm not sure we want to take a stance like that, unless we have no alternative."
"Mister President," Truesdell replied, choosing his words carefully, "all I am suggesting is that we put some heat on Castro. He was forced into this — he had to have been. If we find the B-2 in his backyard, and explain our intentions, he damned sure isn't going to sit idle and take a pounding for the Soviet Union, if the Soviets are behind this."
"Sir," Kerchner began slowly, seeing the concern on the president's face. "Again, I have to agree with Kirk. If Castro believes that we're going to flatten his island if the bomber and her crew aren't released, he may quickly convince Ignatyev to change course, or produce the bomber."
The president pushed back his chair, swung around to his right, and stood. "Bernie, that could place us in a very difficult position. We aren't talking about Panama or Noriega. If we're wrong, and Castro can still get Soviet protection, there might be a disastrous about-face in the disarmament talks."
"Mister President," Truesdell interjected, "the Soviets would be responsible. They committed an act of international lawlessness. The Kremlin almost pulled off the hijacking, but they got caught, and we couldn't be in a better position to confront them and their henchman. Castro is going to be sitting on an extremely hot burner."
"If we have the proof," Kerchner said. "We have to have documented evidence-pictures of the B-2 in Cuba-to place in front of the world."
The room remained quiet as Alton Jarrett turned his back to the group and stared out of the window behind his desk. He considered the various solutions for recovering the Stealth bomber, and wondered what it would mean for Soviet-American relations if the Kremlin had initiated the theft. Was President Ignatyev, bent on restoring the glory of the Motherland, returning to the pre-perestroika ideology?
Jarrett turned toward his secretary of defense. "Bernie, what steps have to be taken before we know where the B-2 is located?"
"First, sir," Kerchner darted a look at Truesdell, who showed no emotion, "we need to be cautious… business as usual. We can't afford to alarm the Cubans, or the Russians, before our CIA agent is inserted to find the Stealth."
The president nodded his agreement.
"Actually," Kerchner said, placing his pen down, "I recommend we have the carrier groups on normal maneuvers, standing off the East Coast primed to strike. We don't want to do anything until we have the necessary documentation."
Kerchner watched the president's face. Jarrett seemed more relaxed, and the color had returned to his cheeks.
"Also," the secretary continued, "I strongly recommend that we prepare to remove all dependents, civilians, and nonessential personnel from Guantanamo Bay. At the same time, as unobtrusively as possible, we need to reinforce the marine contingent on the base. We'll do that in a routine manner, using C-130s out of Cherry Point."
Jarrett walked to his chair, sat down, and folded his hands together. "Anything else?"
Kerchner looked at the vice president for a moment, then back to Jarrett. "I would like to have the CO of the Naval Strike Warfare Center brief you on the current carrier air wing tactics."
The president agreed with a nod. "Fine, Bernie. Set it up when you have an opportunity."
"I've taken the liberty, sir," Kerchner responded with humility in his voice. "He's on his way now."
The vice president, who remained agitated by the guileless solution that Brian Gaines had put forth, stood and approached the president. "Sir, look at the history of our foreign policy. Every time we've pursued soft formulas, we've lost ground." Truesdell glanced at the chagrined security adviser. "Every time."
"Mister Vice President," Gaines countered, clearly irritated, "I take great umbrage at the insinuation that we are being soft."
"Brian, goddamnit," Truesdell said curtly, "we've just spent billions developing our Stealth technology, and the Soviets are soaking it up. We don't have a second to waste. The Soviets aren't going to respond unless we use a big stick, as we've always had to do.
Gaines, whose face now matched the color of his hair, appeared totally perplexed. He had known of the vice president's disdain for tiptoeing around tough problems. Now he felt the sting of professional embarrassment, and he decided to remain silent.
"Time is of the essence," Kerchner said in an attempt to calm feelings. "But we must have patience for the moment. We have to locate the B-2."
"Step one," Jarrett said calmly. "Then we'll look at our options. Agreed?"