27. Depretto, ‘L’opinion ouvriere’, pp. 53–8; E. Osokina Our Daily Bread: Socialist Distribution and the Art of Survival in Stalin’s Russia (New York, 2001), pp. 53–6.
28. Filtzer, ‘Stalinism and the Working Class’, pp. 168–9.
29. J. J. Rossman ‘The Teikovo Cotton Workers’ Strike of April 1932: Class, Gender and Identity Politics in Stalin’s Russia’, Russian Review, 56 (1997), p. 44.
30. Rossman, ‘Teikovo Cotton Workers’ Strike’, pp. 46–63; see too J. J. Rossman ‘A Workers’ Strike in Stalin’s Russia: the Vichuga Uprising of April 1932’, in L. Viola (ed.) Contending with Stalinism: Soviet Power and Popular Resistance in the 1930s (Ithaca, NY, 2002), pp. 44–80. This strike, too, was defeated by police repression, though it brought some economic alleviation.
31. See J. Falter and M. H. Kater ‘Wähler und Mitglieder der NSDAP’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 19 (1993), pp. 155–77.
32. Mielke and Frese, Gewerkschaften im Widerstand, pp. 13–15.
33. On the fate of the other socialist parties see V. N. Brovkin The Mensheviks after October: Socialist Opposition and the Rise of the Bolshevik Dictatorship (Ithaca, NY, 1987); V. N. Brovkin (ed.) The Bolsheviks in Russian Society: the Revolution and the Civil Wars (New Haven, Conn., 1997), esp. chs 2, 4 and 7; A. Liebich ‘The Mensheviks’, in A. Geifman (ed.) Russia under the Last Tsar: Opposition and Subversion 1894–1917 (Oxford, 1999), pp. 19–33.
34. R. Löhmann Der Stalinmythos: Studien zur Sozialgeschichte des Personenkultes in der Sowjetunion (Münster, 1990), p. 205; Depretto, Les Ouvriers en U.R.S.S., p. 367.
35. Löhmann, Stalinmythos, pp. 206–15; V. Andrle Workers in Stalin’s Russia: Industrialization and Social Change in a Planned Economy (New York, 1988), p. 35; Ilič, Women Workers, p. 185; Filtzer, Soviet Workers, pp. 57–65.
36. K. M. Strauss Factory and Community in Stalin’s Russia: the Making of an Industrial Working Class (Pittsburgh, 1997), pp. 23–4, 268–81.
37. H. Potthoff Freie Gewerkschaften 1918–1933: Der Allgemeine Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund in der Weimarer Republik (Düsseldorf, 1987), p. 346.
38. W. Benz ‘Vom freiwilligen Arbeitsdienst zur Arbeitsdienstpfl icht’, Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte, 16 (1968), pp. 317–46;
D. P. Silverman Hitler’s Economy: Nazi Work Creation Programs, 1933–1936 (Cambridge, Mass., 1998), p. 168–72, 195–8.
39. Schmiechen-Ackermann, Nationalsozialismus und Arbeitermilieus, pp. 432–4, 487–90, 674–84; M. Schneider Unterm Hakenkreuz: Arbeiter und Arbeiterbewegung 1933 bis 1939 (Bonn, 1999), pp. 347–411, 736–51.
40. Strauss, Factory and Community, pp. 272–4; L. Siegelbaum Stakhanovism and the Politics of Productivity in the USSR, 1935–1941 (Cambridge, 1988) pp. 146–8, 163–8, 179–90. By the late 1930s there were 3 million workers classifi ed as Stakhanovites, but mobility into and out of the category was high.
41. Strauss, Factory and Community, p. 195.
42. Filtzer, ‘Stalinism and the Working Class’, pp. 172–4.
43. Siegelbaum, ‘Soviet Norms Determination’, pp. 53–6; on the breakdown of collectives L. Siegelbaum ‘Production Collectives and Communes and the “Imperatives” of Soviet Industrialization’, Slavic Review, 45 (1986), pp. 67, 73–81.
44. M. Lewin The Making of the Soviet System: Essays in the Social History of Interwar Russia (London, 1985), p. 250.
45. R. Smelser ‘Die Sozialplanung der Deutschen Arbeitsfront’, in M. Prinz and R. Zitelmann (eds) Nationalsozialismus und Modernisierung (Darmstadt, 1991) pp. 75–77; Mai, ‘“Warum steht der deutsche Arbeiter zu Hitler?”’, pp. 220–26; U. Herbert ‘Arbeiterschaft im “Dritten Reich”: Zwischenbilanz und offene Fragen’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 15 (1989), pp. 323–31. See too R. Hachtmann Industriearbeit im ‘Dritten Reich’’ (Göttingen, 1989), pp. 54–66; J. Gillingham The “Deproletarianization” of German Society: Vocational Training in the Third Reich’, Journal of Social History, 19 (1985/6), pp. 423–32.
46. Smelser, ‘Sozialplanung der Deutschen Arbeitsfront’, p. 75.
47. See for example U. Hess ‘Zum Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus in Leipziger Betrieben 1933–1939. Bedingungen, Möglichkeiten, Grenzen’, in H.-D. Schmid (ed.) Zwei Städte unter dem Hakenkreuz: Widerstand und Verweigerung in Hannover und Leipzig 1933–1945 (Leipzig, 1994), pp. 148–51.
48. Bundesarchiv-BerJin, R3101/11921, Reich Economics Ministry, weekly report, 18 December 1944. Some of the women would also be foreign workers. See also A. Tröger ‘Die Planung des Rationalisierungsproletariats: Zur Entwicklung der geschlechtsspezifi schen Arbeitsteilung und das weibliche Arbeitsmarkt im Nationalsozialismus’, in A. Kuhn and J. Rüsen (eds) Frauen in der Geschichte (Düsseldorf, 1982), pp. 245–313.
49. Strauss, Factory and Community, pp. 224–30; Ilič, Women Workers, pp. 96–103; on canteen food, P. Francis I Worked in a Soviet Factory (London, 1939), pp. 80–82.
50. Andrle, Workers in Stalin’s Russia, pp. 46–9; Hubbard, Soviet Labour and Industry, pp. 192, 211–14.
51. M. Klürer Von Klassenkampf zur Volksgemeinschaft: Sozialpolitik im Dritten Reich (Leoni, 1988), pp. 167–9; Herbert,
‘Arbeiterschaftim “Dritten Reich”’, p. 137. On the social spending of German businesses see H. Pohl, S. Habeth and B. Briininghaus Die Daimler-Benz AG in den Jahren 1933 bis 1945 (Stuttgart, 1986), pp. 172–80.
52. Smelser, ‘Sozialplanung der Deutschen Arbeitsfront’, pp. 78–9; Herbert, ‘Arbeiterschaft im “Dritten Reich”’, p. 342; Mai,’ “Warum steht der deutsche Arbeiter zu Hitler?”’, pp. 226–8.
53. Schmiechen-Ackermann, Nationalsozialismus und Arbeitermilieus, p. 642.
54. Filtzer, ‘Stalinism and the Working Class’, pp. 177–8; Siegelbaum, ‘Soviet Norms Determination’, pp. 57–8; Hubbard, Soviet Labour and Industry, pp. 105–9.
55. BA-Berlin, R2501/65, Reichsbank report, ‘Steigende Arbeiterlöhne’, 19 June 1939, pp. 2–7.
56. Mai, ‘“Warum steht der deutsche Arbeiter zu Hitler?’”, pp. 216–20, 228; W. Zollitsch ‘Die Vertrauensratswahlen von 1934 und 1935’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 15 (1989), pp. 363–4, 378–9.
57. Mai, ‘“Warum steht der deutsche Arbeiter zu Hitler?”’, p. 222. See too G. Mai ‘Die nationalsozialistische Betriebszellen-Organisation: Arbeiterschaft und Nationalsozialismus 1927–1934’, in D. Heiden and G. Mai (eds) Nationalsozialismus in Thüringen (“Weimar, 1995), p. 165.
58. F. Carsten The German Workers and the Nazis (Aldershot, 1995), pp. 44, 46.
59. Carsten, German Workers, p. 37.
60. J. Falter ‘Warum die deutsche Arbeiter während des “Dritten Reiches” zu Hitler standen’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 13 (1987), pp. 217–31. Hess, ‘Zum Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus’, p. 149, who notes that in Leipzig factories threequarters of party cell members were wage-earners.
61. A. Geifmann Thou Shalt Kilclass="underline" Revolutionary Terrorism in Russia, 1894–1917 (Princeton, NJ, 1993).
62. I. Zbarsky and S. Hutchinson Lenin’s Embalmers (London, 1998), p. 93.
63. D. Volkogonov Trotsky: the Eternal Revolutionary (London, 1996), pp. 377–8.
64. A. V. Baikaloff J Knew Stalin (London, 1940), pp. 78–9.
65. See for example T. J. Colton Moscow: Governing the Socialist Metropolis (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), pp. 323–4.
66. Volkogonov, Trotsky, pp. 379, 392; V. Serge Memoirs of a Revolutionary 1901–1941 (Oxford, 1967), p. 344.
67. R. J. Overy Interrogations: the Nazi Elite in Allied Hands, 1945 (London, 2001), pp. 132–4, 460–67.
68. R. W. Whalen Assassinating Hitler: Ethics and Resistance in Nazi Germany (Toronto, 1993), pp. 36–7.