Israeli companies will also find it harder to negotiate exits—like Given Imaging’s IPO on the NASDAQ or Fraud Sciences’ sale to PayPal—which are often the means by which Israeli entrepreneurs and investors ultimately make their money. A global slowdown will coincide with fewer IPOs and acquisitions.
And a continued deterioration of the regional security situation could also threaten Israel’s economic success. In 2006 and at the turn of 2008 to 2009, Israel fought wars against two groups trained and funded by Iran. While these wars had little effect on the Israeli economy, and Israeli companies have become adept at upholding their commitments to customers and investors regardless of security threats large and small, the next iteration of the Iranian threat could be different from anything Israel has ever experienced.
Iran, as is widely reported by international regulatory bodies and news organizations, is in pursuit of a nuclear capability. If the Iranian government establishes a nuclear-weaponization program, it could spark a nuclear arms race throughout the Arab world. This could freeze foreign investment in the region.
While much of the international focus is on the potential threat of an Iranian nuclear missile strike on Israel, the political and security leadership of Israel warns against the effect of an Iranian nuclear capability on the region even if it is never directly used. As Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told us, “The first-stage Iranian goal is to terrify Israel’s most talented citizens into leaving.”3
Clearly, if the Iranian threat is not somehow addressed, the Israeli economy could be affected. So far, however, the presence or potential of such threats has not deterred foreign companies and venture funds from increasing their investments in Israel.
Indeed, when it comes to threats to the economy, discussion within Israel centers more on domestic factors. Maybe because Israel has inoculated itself against security threats to its economy in the past, or maybe because the prospect of a nuclear threat is too grave to ponder, Tel Aviv University economist Dan Ben-David is fixated on another threat—the “brain drain” from the faculties of Israeli universities.
To be sure, Israel is a leader in the international academic community. A global 2008 survey by Scientist magazine named two Israeli institutions—the Weizmann Institute and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem—as the top two “best places to work in academia” outside the United States.4
Economist Dan Ben-David pointed us to a study by two French academics that ranks nations outside the United States according to publications in top economic journals between 1971 and 2000. The United Kingdom—including the London School of Economics, Oxford, and Cambridge—came in at number two. Germany had fewer than half as many publications per faculty member as the British had. And Israel was number one. “Not five or ten percent more, but seven times more—in a league of our own,” Ben-David crowed to us. “And as good as Israel’s economists are, our computer scientists are apparently even better, relative to their field. We have two Nobel Prizes recently in economics, and one or two in chemistry.”5
But despite all this success, Ben-David is worried. He told us that Israel’s academic lead has lessened in recent years, and will fall further as older faculty members retire and many of the rising stars leave to teach abroad. In his own field, economics, Ben-David pointed to a study that found that of the top thousand economists in the world, as measured by citations of their work between 1990 and 2000, twenty-five were Israelis, thirteen of whom were actually based in Israel. Since that study was published, only four of these have remained in Israel full-time. And none of the twelve Israelis working abroad in 2000 have returned to Israel. In total, an estimated three thousand tenured Israeli professors have relocated to universities abroad.
Ben-David is one of those four top economists who remain in Israel. And he is sounding the alarm on Israel’s continued economic growth. From 2005 through 2008, Israel grew substantially faster than most developed countries. But there was a recession the previous few years so, Ben-David argues, “all we’ve done is return to the long-term path. We’re not in uncharted territory; we are where we should have been had we not had the recession.”
The problem, according to Ben-David, is that while the tech sector has been surging ahead and becoming more productive, the rest of the economy has not been keeping up. “It’s like an engine,” he says. “You have all the cylinders in the engine. You have all the population in the country. But we’re using fewer and fewer of the cylinders to move this machine forward.” In essence, the tech sector is financing the rest of the country, which is “not getting the tools or the conditions to work in a modern economy.”
This underutilization brings us to what we believe is the biggest threat to Israel’s continued economic growth: low participation in the economy. A little over half of Israel’s workforce contributes to the economy in a productive way, compared to a 65 percent rate in the United States. The low Israeli workforce participation rate is chiefly attributable to two minority communities: haredim, or ultra-Orthodox Jews, and Israeli Arabs.6
Among mainstream Israeli Jewish civilians aged twenty-five to sixty-four, to take one metric, 84 percent of men and 75 percent of women are employed. Among Arab women and haredi men, these percentages are almost flipped: 79 percent and 73 percent, respectively, are not employed.7
The ultra-Orthodox, or haredim, generally do not serve in the military. Indeed, to qualify for the exemption from military service, haredim have to show that they are engaged in full-time study in Jewish seminaries (yeshivot). This arrangement was created by David Ben-Gurion to obtain haredi political support at the time of Israel’s founding. But while the “yeshiva exemption” first applied to just four hundred students, it has since ballooned to tens of thousands who go to yeshiva instead of the army.
The result of this has been triply harmful to the economy. Haredim are socially isolated from the workforce because of their lack of army experience; plus, since they are not allowed to work if they want a military exemption—they have to be studying—as young adults they receive neither private-sector nor military (entrepreneurial) experience; and thus haredi society becomes increasingly dependent on government welfare payments for survival.
There are two primary reasons why Israeli Arabs have low participation rates in the economy. First, because they are not drafted into the army, they, like the haredim, are less likely to develop the entrepreneurial and improvisational skills that the IDF inculcates. Second, they also do not develop the business networks that young Israeli Jews build while serving in the military, a disparity that exacerbates an already long-standing cultural divide between the country’s Jewish and Arab communities.
Each year, thousands of Arab students graduate from Israel’s technology and engineering schools. Yet, according to Helmi Kittani and Hanoch Marmari, who codirect the Center for Jewish-Arab Economic Development, “only a few manage to find jobs which reflect their training and skills. . . . Israel’s Arab graduates need to be equipped with a crucial resource which the government cannot supply: a network of friends in the right places.”8 And in the absence of those personal connections, Israeli Jews’ mistrust of Israeli Arabs is more likely to hold sway.