This heavy reinforcement allowed Guderian to move all the 22nd Luftland to Iraq, and then Student’s 1st Fallschirmjagers. The last division for Iraq would be the 104th Jaegers. This was all beyond the present capacity of the rail lines supporting these divisions, but Hitler’s decision to increase rail carrying capacity was actually also something that could be easily achieved, as he had already boasted to Zeitzler. After the Anglo-Soviet occupation of Iran in 1941 in the old history, the US and Britain took a rail system through Iran delivering only 200 tons per day to Russia, and increased it to a daily high of 7,520 tons by 1944. The Turkish rail system was far more developed after a year of work by the Todt Organization Battalions, so if such an effort were made to increase it further, that would soon become big trouble for Churchill and Alanbrooke.
Now Hitler turned to Zeitzler, with another pressing issue on his mind. “Herr General…. I want you to prepare a complete report on the current field army strength of the Orenburg Federation—numbers of divisions, typical strength and fighting quality, current deployments. Include any intelligence on weekly troop movements and make it part of my regular briefing. Furthermore, I want Student’s troops from Crete airlifted to Baba Gurgur and Kirkuk immediately. I will speak with Goring about the necessary air transport.”
Zeitzler could hear more in these requests than it seemed on the surface. “Are you concerned about possible hostilities with the Orenburg Federation?” He was very direct with this question, but that was his nature.
“That possibility has always existed,” said Hitler. “Would-be friends become enemies at the drop of a hat these days. Look what Franco did in Spain, and now the French. I have no doubt that the Italians are getting nervous now as well. Thus far, Ivan Volkov has been our ‘Ally’ because it suits his own aims to do so. This operation in the Kuban is a perfect example. We commit 24 good German divisions to do the job that he could not accomplish, and when we are finished, what will be our reward? The promise of oil? And how long before the first shipments begin to make any difference? It may be that we have to make some hard and practical decisions concerning resources that are needed by the Reich—critical resources that are now largely controlled by Orenburg. To that end, I want you to be prepared. No unit is to be transferred out of the Kuban after the successful conclusion of Operation Edelweiss—not unless I specifically order it. Understand?
“Of course, my Führer.”
“Furthermore, German troops are not to cede any ground taken in the Kuban to the control of Volkov’s troops. They are to maintain a well manned front, and there is to be no intermixing of Volkov’s units with our own. Any units of the Orenburg Federation currently behind our lines must move to their side of the demarcation line. I am also issuing a directive today, that Maykop is to be taken by German forces, and held, with no access permitted by troops or engineers from Orenburg. I will send our own oil brigades. I paid for the Kuban dearly, and for Iraq. I gave Sergei Kirov back Voronezh, which was taken at great cost by Model. It will be German arms, and German blood that secures the oil we need for future operations. I am no longer willing to wait on Volkov’s good intentions and well-spoken promises.”
The seed that Himmler had planted had now begun to grow into a dark, coiling vine in Hitler’s mind, and the only fruit it might bear would be more misery and war.
“One more thing,” said Hitler, pointing to a spot on the map that had been the center of his desires the previous year. “Remove the siege guns presently east of the Don and send them to Rostov. Then I want you to readjust our lines. Pull back these divisions here to the line of the River Chir.” He was pointing to the bitterly contested ground near Golubinskaya, that had been fought for in Manstein’s counterattack to stop Operation Uranus.”
“My Führer, is that wise?” Zeitzler finally found his voice. “If we pull back to the Chir, that means yielding the vital crossing at Kalach.”
“It is no longer vital,” said Hitler. “It is only a bridge.”
“But it is the primary bridge linking our forces to those of the Orenburg Federation east of the Don. And this move would also compromise the rail bridge at Nizhne Chirskaya. That bridge was to receive oil shipments from Orenburg as soon as Volgograd is cleared.”
“Don’t make me laugh, Zeitzler. We both know that will not happen any time soon. By the time it does, I will have secured other sources of oil.”
“Yet such a withdrawal will expose their flank and force them to find troops to watch that whole segment of the Don if they wish to hold as far north as the Aqueduct above Volgograd.”
“Precisely,” said Hitler coldly. “Once again, German troops will no longer shoulder the burden for Orenburg. Have I not made myself clear on this point? I wanted Volgograd, but now I can think of no sound military reason why it was necessary to take that city. It was only to strike a blow at Sergei Kirov to weaken his morale, and this we have already done. So now I throw it like a bone to Ivan Volkov, and let him chew on it. But German troops will no longer secure his left flank. You may notify the local commander of the 4th Orenburg Army 48 hours before this move takes place. Military Police are also to take up posts along the whole line of the Don, from the River Chir all the way to Rostov. I will send the Italians to watch the lower Don. I want all these dispositions completed within one week. That is all.”
That was quite enough. It seemed a small matter at the time, a mere inconvenience for Volkov’s forces near Volgograd, but it was to be a harbinger of something much greater yet to come.
Chapter 29
It was immediately evident that the Germans were planning a double envelopment of Baghdad, and Jumbo Wilson now sat with the prospect of having 90% of the entire British Army and Commonwealth forces in Iraq trapped there. He could see that if the Germans made a concerted effort in the southwest, Blaxland’s four Brigades would certainly not be enough to stop them. The attack east of the Tigris on his far right had been stopped by Kingstone at the Kayam Quarter, but for how long? He called Kingstone, Grover, and a few other division commanders to discuss their prospects.
“A fine mess we’ve gotten ourselves into,” he began. “It’s taken every division we have just to keep them out of the main city districts. We lost the Al Muthana aerodrome, and it’s only a matter of time before they make a move on the Al Rashid field. The question is, should we hold here? In another two or three days, they might have the whole army in the bag.”
“That would be like a cat in a bag,” said Grover. “We can fight, and we can hold.”
“Possibly,” said Wilson, “but for how long? If they cut the rail lines south there will be no further supplies coming in. We’ve got stores to hold two weeks, but after that things will get difficult. I don’t want this to become the largest surrender of British-Commonwealth forces in this war.”
“If they do surround us, we could still fight our way out.”
“I have no doubt, but if it comes to that choice, then why not move now, while we still have the roads and rail lines open to the south? The pay dirt here in Iraq is all down south—Basra, and now Abadan. I’ve also just received information that the Orenburg Federation has negotiated further transit rights through Iran. They’re moving another large force through Tehran, and from there they can come south to Ahwaz.”
“The oil,” said Grover. “It’s all about the bloody oil.”
“Yes, the Iranians have big Fields at Ahwaz, and we might want to get there first and add that to what we’ve already taken at Abadan. But that means we have to give up Baghdad and move south. Opinions?”