“Mister Foreign Minister,” said Volkov. “It has been a long time since we met face to face, and perhaps that is best between two parties with similar minds and aims. The need to discuss matters is always a sly indication of hidden discord, so forgive me if I come right to the point. I wonder if you can explain the recent troop movements made by your southern group of forces along the Don? I make specific note of the presence of Italian troops south of that river, in territory liberated by the forces of Orenburg.”
“General Secretary, having made inquiries before my arrival here, it would seem that this is nothing more than a screening force for the lines of communication used by our 11th Army. As you must know, those troops deployed across the Manych River at Proteletarsk and established their headquarters in Salsk, relieving your 1st Kazakh Army of the burden of further deployment and combat against Soviet troops in the Kuban.”
“Well enough,” said Volkov. “Yet my army was more than willing to continue its campaign in the Kuban—until your 11th Army Commander made a specific request that our troops withdraw.”
“I was informed that our operational styles being so different in a campaign of this nature, the 11th Army request was merely meant to ensure maximum efficiency in the campaign ahead.”
“You are suggesting our troops have become a nuisance—a hindrance to your own operations?”
“That is put in terms a little more abrasive than I would have devised,” said Ribbentrop.
“Ah, yes,” said Volkov. “All Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers are gifted at birth with honeyed tongues. I am just a little more forthright. I have subsequently learned that the Yegorluk River has now become a sort of demarcation line for this Kuban operation, with your forces operating west of that river, and ours to the east.”
“Correct,” said Ribbentrop. “I was told the river formed a convenient line. In such operations, all Armies and Korps level formations routinely adjudicate such operational boundaries. There is nothing more to it.”
“I see… Mister Ribbentrop, perhaps we should now discuss the division of territory within the Kuban Region at the conclusion of this campaign. Considering our long investment of men and material in the Caucasus, it would seem appropriate that the forces of Orenburg would assume control of the Kuban District after this campaign, with the line of the Don River again forming a convenient demarcation boundary. Are you in agreement with this proposal?”
At that, Ribbentrop hesitated briefly, something that Volkov did not fail to perceive. His request was clearly a matter that had made the Foreign Minister somewhat uncomfortable. “Mister General Secretary,” he began. “You may also be aware of a recent Führer Directive stating that all territories liberated by German forces would henceforward be considered German occupied zones.”
“Are you telling me that Germany now wishes to assume control of the Kuban District indefinitely? I would have thought this matter would have followed the template set down in the Volgograd campaign. While Orenburg welcomed and appreciated German military cooperation and support, we were equally gratified to see that Germany acknowledged our longstanding claim upon that city and district, and that also applies to the Kuban. My forces had operational control of that district until 1940, when the Soviets launched their offensive into the Caucasus, which took them deep into our territory—our territory, Mister Foreign Minister. We stopped them, but have not yet mustered sufficient strength there to roll them back. Then, when our forces linked up, we again welcomed German military support as before. But I am afraid I must insist that I expect all German forces to withdraw from the Kuban at the conclusion of these operations, and control of that district to return to our jurisdiction.”
“Is this a formal request?” asked Ribbentrop.
“It is.”
“Then I will take it to Berlin for consideration.”
“Please do so.”
Ribbentrop nodded. “Yet considering the contradiction with the Führer’s recent directive, I cannot promise anything to you here and now regarding an agreement.”
“You should not have to. The territorial rights concerning this district are clear, and there is a long historical precedent. The Kuban belongs to the Orenburg Federation. Sergei Kirov occupied it illegally with his surprise offensive, and now we will be most glad to see his brigands rounded up and sent to the prison camps we are preparing out on the Kalmyk Steppe. That will be something else your military will not have to worry about, and then you will have all those divisions available for deployment elsewhere. We are also prepared to cede control of Rostov to your forces, it being largely north of the Don. I’m sure the Führer will be eager to make good use of those 24 divisions for his upcoming offensive in the north.”
“Military deployments are not my responsibility,” said Ribbentrop. “I suppose all this will be a matter for the Führer to decide. If he wishes to waive control of the Kuban in this instance, so be it, and I will inform you directly.”
“And if he does not wish to issue such a waiver?” Volkov gave Ribbentrop a hard look.
“Then I would ask you to consider your overall interests in this war, and the value of the support you now have where German arms are busy settling matters that have been unresolved by your own forces for the last twenty years….”
The veiled insult behind Ribbentrop’s words was clearly heard, though Volkov maintained a cold, emotionless front. “I remind you, Mister Foreign Minister, that German troops are about their business at the invitation of this government. Concerning the Kuban, we are not inclined to compromise. It has been, and will remain, the sovereign territory of Orenburg. I also note that we recently offered you military support, at some cost, by sending troops all the way from Baku through Persia to assist with the campaign in Iraq. Yet there, it seems our troops are also now viewed as a nuisance. I just received a report that German paratroops have occupied Baba Gurgur and Kirkuk. That was also territory that Orenburg was ready to administer. After all, we have long decades of experience in oil well development, and have promised Germany to supply all her war needs in that category once clear shipping lines and lanes can be secured.”
Ribbentrop smiled. “That is, I suppose, the heart of the matter where the Kuban is concerned. Germany is prepared to commit its Todt Organizations to restore the pipeline from Maykop to Rostov, rebuild the rail lines, clear the Black Sea ports, eliminate the Soviet Black Sea Fleet, and open sea lanes to Odessa and other ports. Again, we are most efficient when retaining full control of territories where such operations are undertaken.” Ribbentrop poured out his words like a man quietly pouring a glass of wine for an important guest, but Volkov clearly smelled the poison. If the Germans wished to restore the pipeline from Maykop’s burgeoning wells, they would have to occupy that zone as well, which was now firmly in Volkov’s hands, some 40 kilometers behind the Soviet front to the west.
“Then you are suggesting German occupation of the Kuban would be temporary—until such time as these infrastructure projects are completed?”
“That may be the case, but Berlin would have to confirm.”
“Mister Foreign Secretary…. Let me be clear. That must be the case. We build pipelines and railroads easily enough. As your operation aims solely to benefit Germany, by opening avenues for Orenburg to ship much needed oil and gas to the Reich, such small territorial squabbles should not enter into this picture. Surely you can agree on that.”