Before the discovery of Zora Balašević, their section was already running twenty-six sources; Busiri was tapped into thirteen percent of the nearly two hundred diplomatic missions in Cairo. Among the larger nations represented, Russia, France, and Australia fed them a regular diet of national and allied intelligence. Intelligence bred more intelligence, for Busiri gave little away for free. Visitors with requests always came with a pocket full of intel, ready to share with the Oracle.
In January 2009, Busiri came to Omar with a special job. “You will create a line of communication with the Americans.”
“I thought you already had that. You meet with Harry Wolcott, don’t you?”
Busiri smiled, turning his hands palm up. “Occasionally, yes, but I’m thinking of something different. Harry and I have a congenial relationship. I share, he shares, but we have our limits. I’m not sure I believe everything the man says, and he certainly doesn’t believe me, but that’s the nature of such relationships. What I’d like from you is something different. You will offer yourself to them.”
Omar felt a tingle creep over his scalp. “I don’t understand.”
“Of course you understand. You’re being bashful.” Busiri winked. “We haven’t been able to acquire anyone at their embassy, but there are other ways to deal with them. Our primary goal will be to make them believe certain things. If I tell Harry something, he may or may not believe it. But if I tell him something and he verifies it with someone else in our office, someone he trusts, then he’ll pass it on to Langley. You understand?”
Omar did. “What’s our secondary goal?”
“Whatever we like,” he said. “You won’t be a volunteer. You’ll demand payment. Not in silver, but concessions. You and I both know plenty of fine businessmen who would be happy to get into the American market. Perhaps we can help them out. Perhaps they will want to show us their appreciation.”
Omar made his approach through the most unlikely route, the better to be believed. He stood on a crowded bus beside the embassy’s newest employee, Amir Najafi, a contractor with Global Security. He leaned close to the young man’s long ear and whispered in Arabic, “Omar Halawi wants to talk. Tell them that.” Najafi just stared at him, gape-mouthed, as he quietly disembarked.
The ruse was easier to set up than he would have imagined. Through Najafi he was passed on to Stanley Bertolli, who during their conversation in a small hotel room in Dokki quizzed him on the why of his offer. Omar’s explanation was as pedestrian as it was believable: He’d been passed over for promotion one time too many, and was ready to start working for himself. Did Omar have a preferred contact? Indeed, he did: the green Najafi. “He’s not Agency,” Bertolli protested, but Omar insisted.
As the relationship developed, Omar handing Najafi information given to him by Busiri, it occurred to him that he wasn’t just doing a service for their section—some items he passed on dealt with other departments. Military and interparliamentary relations were discussed. Trade and commerce were detailed. Analyses of internal dissent were passed on. Busiri had turned Omar into a tool for the entire Egyptian government. Omar couldn’t even imagine what his boss was getting in return.
Yet the stress of this heightened deception quickly wore on Omar. In early February 2009, at fifty-eight years of age, he suffered a minor heart attack, and while he was laid up at Dar Al Fouad his doctor put him on drugs and told him to cut down on the stress in his life and quit smoking. He quit smoking.
Later that month, Omar returned home to find Jibril Aziz sitting with Fouada, drinking tea and eating cake. They hadn’t spoken since 2005, and he was shocked by the sight of a well-fed, almost cherubic Jibril. Fouada was beside herself with pleasure. “Jibril is married now. Can you believe it? I’m telling him why he has to have a child immediately, no hesitation. Tell him I know what I’m talking about.”
“She knows what she’s talking about,” Omar said as he gave the younger man a hug.
Fouada wanted to go out to El Kebabgy for dinner, but seeing Jibril’s hesitation Omar suggested they have their meal delivered. She didn’t seem to care either way—her little boy had returned.
After eating, the men withdrew to the living room, where Omar had pulled the curtains closed. “You are looking good,” Omar told Jibril in English, his fingers twitching as he fingered an imaginary cigarette. “She loves you, you know. Sometimes three days of nursing is all it takes.”
“You’re a lucky man,” Jibril said, and Omar was struck by how diplomatic that sentiment sounded. He wondered how much four years in the Office of Collection Strategies and Analysis had changed the shivering wreck he’d met at the Libyan border.
“This call is not social, yes?”
Jibril shrugged. “Half and half. I was wondering if I could bounce a few ideas off of you.”
“Depends on the ideas, does it not?”
Omar settled back in his chair and listened to the castles Jibril had been building out of air—for that was how he understood Jibril’s job. Dreamers sitting at their desks, transcribing their fantasies into reality. What a life, he thought as he listened to Jibril’s dream of a Libya rid of the man who had murdered his father. He had done his homework, analyzing the various exile groups, their strengths and great weaknesses, as well as the conditions that might bring them together. At the time, there was no evidence that a spontaneous uprising could occur in Libya, so it was up to a third party to light the fuse. America, apparently.
Initially, this did not sit well with Omar. He argued that any more American incursions into Muslim lands would break the camel’s back. It would give final justification to groups like the Muslim Brotherhood, which plagued Egypt, potentially triggering Islamic coups throughout the Arab world.
“If it’s done correctly,” Jibril explained, “no one need find out. The story will be that the exile groups, united by their desire for democracy, returned to overthrow the tyrant.”
“Democracy?”
Jibril thought a moment. “Freedom.”
That word was at least more palatable. “What is it you think you need from me?”
“Some insight,” Jibril said. “We’d have to use Egypt and Tunisia as launching points. Tell me how Mubarak would react. Tell me how Ben Ali would react.”
“Depends on what they knew.”
“I don’t think anything could be held back.”
Omar considered this. While he suspected the two autocrats would be happy to get rid of the Brother Leader, it occurred to him that they would be too terrified to support a regime change. “Have you thought about the repercussions? Mubarak knows the kind of trouble he has here. The public watched him support your country’s invasion of Iraq—in their eyes, an unforgivable mistake. The economy is in very bad shape, and we have been forced to take orders from the International Monetary Fund. Food prices have skyrocketed, and we have started to cut back on public services. We are sick with corruption—this is an illness we had long before Mubarak arrived in 1981, but with the economy in shambles it has gotten worse. And now the people are marching in the streets. More than half our population—sixty percent—is younger than thirty, and they are out of work. The Kefaya movement has given them courage, and we are expecting trouble from some kids on Facebook, calling themselves the April 6 Movement—they have gained seventy thousand members. Imagine, for a moment, what all these young, angry men would do if they saw the Libyans tossing Muammar into the street. How safe would Mubarak be? More importantly, how safe would Mubarak feel?”