No more was needed for Asle Bryne’s temperament to make an appearance. He suddenly leaned forward in his chair and launched into a lengthy tirade about the security service’s responsibilities, the essence of which was that they were the country’s only hope in the fight against communist infiltration and Soviet occupation, and that they therefore needed room for manoeuvre without any interference from either politicians or the other police organs.
I waited until he started to calm down. Then I asked if they had found anything to indicate that this small group of students had contacts abroad, or constituted a threat to the status quo in Norway. This unleashed another almost equally violent eruption behind the cloud of smoke. The fact that they did not always uncover something in the short term should not fool anyone into relaxing their focus on potentially violent terrorist groups. Furthermore, it was better that ten innocent groups were kept under surveillance than that they did not watch the one group that might prove to be a real threat to society.
I took this as a ‘no’, and quickly carried on when he paused for breath a couple of minutes later. I told him that I fully understood that the security service could not reveal their contacts and that I could see why they had kept the group under surveillance – which could in fact be of great benefit to the investigation. I therefore would dearly like to know what the security service knew about Falko Reinhardt’s disappearance and the murder of Marie Morgenstierne.
Asle Bryne took a couple of deep breaths, nodded – and made an attempt to answer my request. He assured me that as long as one respected the security service’s situation and work methods, they would of course be more than happy to do what they could to help solve any crimes that were under investigation by other police divisions.
As far as the disappearance of Falko Reinhardt was concerned, however, the police security service knew nothing about it and had no information that might be of any help.
Again, when it came to the murder of Marie Morgenstierne, no one from the police security service had been in the vicinity. They had, however, successfully bugged the group’s meeting place in Smestad, and could thus provide a recording of the last meeting that Marie Morgenstierne attended. The meeting had been short, and the security service had not picked up anything of interest from the recording. But if it could be of any help to the murder investigation, they would be able to lend it to the head of investigation for a day or two, in the strictest confidence, and on the condition that the tape was returned within forty-eight hours and that no reference was made to it in public.
He then made a great show of taking the tape out of the desk drawer and placing it on the table between us.
To humour him, I thanked him for his help and assured him that the conditions would be upheld. I then reached for the tape and pulled it over to my side. To my relief, he did not protest.
I casually added that the investigation had brought me into contact with old Nazi circles, and I asked if the security service was familiar with them. Bryne peered out at me from under his great bushy eyebrows, obviously taken aback, and shook his head almost before he had heard the names.
Another long tirade followed, about how he himself had fought against the Nazis during the war, and that ‘now it is the Cold War that is important, my young man, and not the Second World War.’
These old Nazi circles only involved ‘a bunch of random, bitter’ individuals who hardly constituted a threat to anyone but themselves. The security service was of the definite opinion that the focus should now be on left-wing rather than right-wing extremists. In that sense, he added, both the government and the opposition were in agreement with the security service.
I made a blunder just before I stood up, when I remarked briefly that there was perhaps no reason to believe that military intelligence might know any more. Asle Bryne leaned even further forward across the desk and boomed that there was absolutely no reason to believe that military intelligence might know more than the security service about anything. In fact, military intelligence with its incompetent management was perhaps the second greatest threat to the security of the Norwegian people after communism. It was incomprehensible that neither the government nor the Storting had taken the matter in hand and transferred all surveillance to the police security service.
Asle Bryne was struggling to control himself, and I realized that a far more serious outburst was now imminent. I was genuinely concerned that he might have a heart attack in front of my very eyes. When he eventually stopped for breath again, I gave a disarming shrug and assured him that I was extremely happy with the help the police security service had given so far and did not really think that military intelligence would know any more about the matter. He sat in silence after this, and we then shook hands briefly before I left.
I suspected that the security service knew more than they were willing to tell me. But I was curious to see what the recording from Marie Morgenstierne’s last meeting might reveal, and relieved to be able to take it with me when I left the room.
VIII
Patricia listened intently to my report of the Valdres trip and my meeting with the head of the police security service. When I finished by telling her about the tape, she nodded with cautious appreciation and pointed at the stereo player. I personally was very keen to know what might be on the tape, so quickly put it on.
The recording lasted no more than half an hour. It was very odd to hear the late Marie Morgenstierne’s voice in amongst the other three now-familiar voices. In the short sequences where she spoke, her voice was quiet and soft, but firm and clear at the same time. It also sounded young and vital. I identified the various voices for Patricia the first time they spoke, then we listened to the rest of the tape in silence.
Anders: Well, it’s time then to start our first meeting after the holidays. We will discuss our planned demonstration against the imperialistic war in Vietnam and other plans for the autumn. But first, do any of you comrades have any other points you would like to raise?
Kristine: No other points. But we should perhaps start by marking the second anniversary of Falko’s puzzling disappearance, and renew our hope that he will soon come back.
[Applause]
Anders: Unanimously agreed. We hope and believe that our comrade has not fallen victim to some plot by imperialists, capitalists or class traitors, that he is alive, and that he will soon return to continue his work in the fight to liberate his country’s oppressed people. Does anyone have anything else to say on the matter?
Trond: In cases like this it is often the person who is closest who is the first to notice a change. There are many examples, even among non-religious groups, where the person who was left behind felt something before the missing person returned. So it would be particularly interesting to know what you, comrade Marie, think about the situation?
Marie: I still hope, but no longer know if I dare believe. Falko has been gone for so long now and there has been no sign of any change. So, like you, I can only hope that he will suddenly reappear one day and take up his role again in the class struggle.
Anders: We all share that hope, and once again express our sympathy to you, as you have suffered the greatest loss in his absence. And now we must move on to discuss our planned demonstration and prepare our activities as best we can without Falko. To begin with, we need to plan our participation in the big anti-Vietnam rally on the last Saturday in August. I hope that everyone is able to take part?
Kristine: Yes, of course.
Trond: Yes, I have taken time off from work on Friday afternoon and Saturday morning.
Marie: Yes, I’ll be there.
Anders: Excellent. We will announce it through the normal channels and hope for strong support from the anti-Vietnam movement and others on the far left. It has not yet been decided whether to demonstrate outside the American Embassy, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Storting. I personally think we should take imperialism by the horns and demonstrate outside the American Embassy.