“The country is too big to manage the war entirely from here,” said Cump. “We should introduce the doctrine of departmental autonomy. That doctrine allows for the general commanding each department to defend it with the forces under his command and to advance into the enemy’s country if he is able. There is less of a tendency to over-concentrate forces in some departments where they are not needed, while leaving other departments short of what they need to defend themselves, as we have done in New England. Of course, each department is subject to the strategic command of the President and Secretary of War, but the tactical details of how it is to defend itself or advance into the enemy’s country are left to the discretion of each department commander.”
“Our victories have come from more from the spontaneous actions of our commanders in the field, than from any strategies we’ve thought of here,” agreed Senator Ben Wade. “I say lets’ give the departmental commanders their heads.”
“How would you propose that we should subdivide our territory into these departments?” asked Lincoln.
Sherman pointed to the map.
“I would suggest splitting the Eastern Seaboard in two. Leave Fremont in charge of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. New England needs to be in another department. We need to organize the Northwest as two departments. Leave Grant in charge of Illinois and the adjoining part of western Indiana, Wisconsin, and Upper Michigan. Put eastern Indiana, Ohio, and Lower Michigan in another department under command of Schofield.
“The Trans-Mississippi states of Iowa, Minnesota, and Kansas, and the territories of Nebraska, Dakota, and eastern Colorado need to be a department. I’d suggest assigning Sam Curtis to command there. He’s an Iowa man who fought superbly on the Urbana Front.”
“And that brings us back to New England,” said Thad Stevens. “Based on what Cump Sherman has contributed to our victory on the Wabash, and what he has told us now, I’d say he should be appointed to command that department.”
“Thank you for your confidence,” replied Cump, “but I had hoped to be able to organize our attack against the Confederates on the Ohio River first.”
“There is no time for that,” Lincoln reminded him. “We cannot afford give up New England in order to organize an attack that might gain us a few counties in Southern Indiana. We need you in New England immediately.” Lincoln looked from Cump to his brother John. “How about if we send John to Indianapolis to convey your plan to Schofield, McDowell, and Mitchel while we speed you on your way to New England?”
26
Boston, October 21, 1861
“Citizens of Boston,” said Confederate Union Military Governor of New England Benjamin Butler to the Bostonians assembled in Faneuil Hall. “I am appointed Governor of the Military District of New England by President Jefferson Davis. My administration will guarantee the same rights and protections under the Constitution as you had before the Rebellion commenced. You are placed on an equal footing as all other citizens of the Confederate Union.”
Aside from the fact that those other citizens didn’t rebel against the government and don’t require a military government to be imposed on them.
“Your State Government is defunct due to the demise of the late governor and legislature during their misadventure of turning the State House into a latter-day Alamo. They apparently mistook us, their fellow countrymen, for the Mexican Dictator Santa Anna!”
There was a smattering of laughter from the Democrats present who had remained loyal the Confederate Union and welcomed its return. Frederick Douglass rolled his eyes in disgust at William Lloyd Garrison, his fellow co-publisher of the Abolitionist paper North Star Liberator.
“I remind you that I am a Massachusetts man second to none in my affection for this illustrious state and its citizens,” continued Butler. “I am here to welcome you back into the Confederate Union where you may resume intercourse with your fellow citizens.
“Standing here with me is Lieutenant General George McClellan of new Jersey, commander of the Armies of the Department of the East. And next to him is Brigadier General Daniel Sickles of New York, commanding the Confederate Union soldiers quartered in this city.” Take note of the fact that we are all Northern Free State men. McClellan and Sickles made eye contact with the audience to make the point that their armies stood ready to enforce Butler’s authority.
There was more applause from the Democrats.
“Your State Government will be reconstituted by elections to be held after the Rebellion is suppressed. For now its functions are vested in me. As for your representation in the Confederate Union — for the duration of the war the New England States will be represented as a unit in the Confederate Congress by the honorable Caleb Cushing.
“You are free to conduct business among yourselves and all other citizens of the Confederate Union without interference. All that I require of you is that you take no actions in word or deed that oppose the authority of the Confederate Union.”
Again the Democrats, and even a few Republicans, applauded.
“I will take questions now.”
William Lloyd Garrison was the first to speak. “Two questions. The first is whether the North Star Liberator may continue its publications without prior censorship?”
“I haven’t read your claptrap, so I’m not of a mind to bother myself with censoring it.” The Democrats laughed loudly. “Put simply, my job as Military Governor is to enforce the Constitution. The Constitution protects freedom of the press. So long as the press is not subversive I will not concern myself with it.”
“Then I may continue to advocate for abolition?”
“You may advocate for it, or for anything else you have ever advocated for, excepting only sedition against the Confederate Union.”
“My second question is whether you intend to enforce the Fugitive Slave Laws allowing slave catchers to come into this city, apprehend Negroes they encounter, and take them back to the South and sell them into slavery?”
Butler glared at Garrison. He is trying to bait me! I have no idea whether Davis will decide to apply the Fugitive Slave Laws to the recovered areas of the Insurgent States. I do know that allowing slave catchers to come here and apprehend Negroes off the streets will inflame the insurrectionary spirit in this city to the point of making it ungovernable. It would make the battle with the Slavers at Delphi look like child’s game in comparison. That is what the Abolitionists want to accomplish. I must keep the people calm and reconcile them into going back into the Confederate Union.
“I have been known as one of the Southern Rights men of the National Democratic Party,” Butler answered. “I am for Southern Rights, but I am against Southern wrongs. Southerners have the right to maintain slavery in their states. They have no rights to impose it on the Free States. That will not change under my administration.”
I didn’t answer his question directly, but I have communicated my personal commitment not to allow slave catchers to return here. If Jefferson Davis has any sense he will back me on this. Allowing slave catchers to operate in the Free States is not worth its cost. We have a civil war because the slave holders are annoyed that three or four hundred slaves escape to the Free States every year. It will be better to reimburse the slave holders out of the General Government’s revenues than to permit slave catchers to come North and try to catch them. I will try to persuade President Davis to see it that way. If I succeed, it will help to bring the Rebellion to an early close.